在特朗普的支持者中流传着一种说法——民意调查存在系统性的问题,少统计了数百万会在11月3日投票支持特朗普的选民。
如果这种说法属实,特朗普最终获胜的概率将提高到50比50,如果他现在能够把与乔•拜登的支持率差距缩小到只有几个百分点,那么他最终甚至有可能领先。
如何验证“如果特朗普缩小支持率差距,他就可以获胜”这种假设?一种方法是看投注网站上的赔率是否认为此次大选将胜负难料,特朗普会从大幅落后追到仅相差几个百分点,把一场毫无悬念的大选变成令人难以琢磨的赛马。
投注网站的数据能够作为指导,用于预测特朗普需要缩小多少差距,才可能在11月3日获胜。
投注网站上的赔率数据绝对是预测大选结果的最佳指南。
这是因为设定这些赔率的人是在拿自己的钱冒险,大选的结果与他们的利益息息相关,包括一些职业政治赌客都会仔细研究投票模式和选情变化。这就像要预测圣母大学橄榄球队或达拉斯牛仔队能否翻盘时,没有比看赌场或在线数字体育投注平台上的赔率更好的预测方式了。
虽然赌客押注美国总统大选可能会出错,就像2016年大选时那样。但总体而言,资金在民主党和共和党之间的摇摆,可以很好地预测选民的态度。
美国大部分州都禁止就美国总统大选开赌。美国唯一一个获准这样做的大型网站是PredictIt。但欧洲各式各样的在线博彩网站都为这场入主白宫的争夺战开了局。其中包括英国的Betfair、Bovada、Smarkets和Spreadex;奥地利的bwin和Unibet以及瑞典的Betsson。
最近几周,赌盘非常火爆。
撰写总统大选博彩分析文章的职业赌客兼自由撰稿人保罗•克里希那穆提,在最近发表的一篇文章中称,截至10月16日的一周,Betfair押注美国大选的资金超过2,500万美元,占该平台过去四年投注资金总额的15%。
RealClear Politics网站上平均每天发布9篇来自主要网站的最新文章。(其衡量指标中不包含PredictIt。)
我在本次分析中将使用这些数据,以及RealClear Politics对专家们认为会左右大选结果的五个摇摆州的平均民调支持率(这五个州分别是宾夕法尼亚州、佛罗里达州、威斯康辛州、北卡罗来纳州和亚利桑那州)。
下面我们来看看随着特朗普民调支持率的波动,投注赔率这个主要指标的变化情况,并根据这种变化来预测特朗普要将他与拜登的差距缩小到多少,才有机会赢得大选。
支持率反转不断
从7月21日到8月23日,拜登在摇摆州的民调支持率一直大幅领先特朗普4到6个百分点。
按照投注网站上的数据,特朗普的胜选概率在36.1%到43.4%之间波动。换言之,特朗普败选似乎已成定局,因为在这一个月期间,特朗普的胜选概率至少落后拜登16个百分点。
但8月最后一周,特朗普开始发力。在8月24日到27日之间召开的共和党虚拟大会,似乎大幅提高了特朗普的支持率。截至8月29日,他与拜登的民调支持率差距从两周前的4个百分点缩小到了2.7个百分点,并一直维持到9月1日。
9月1日,特朗普拿到了整个选举周期最高的胜选概率。据投注网站显示,他当天的胜选概率达到49.5%,与前副总统拜登只相差0.5%。
然而,他上升的势头非常短暂。
到9月10日,拜登在民调中领先3.9个百分点,之后他的领先优势一直维持在3.5至4个百分点。到了10月11日,他对特朗普的领先优势达到了最高的5个百分点。
特朗普在民意调查中的落后差距从2.7个百分点扩大到5个百分点,使他的胜选概率也大幅下降,从9月初最高的49.5%下降到34.7%。拜登的领先优势达到了2比1,有望入主白宫。
但在10月12日,选情再次出现变化。
特朗普感染新冠病毒之后回归,特意摆出一种胜利者的姿态,并重新开始举办竞选活动,当天晚上就在佛罗里达州斯坦福举办了一次声势浩大的集会。
看到总统身体健康并重新加入战局,使他的民调支持率在7周内第二次大幅上升。截至10月19日,特朗普将拜登在摇摆州的领先优势从5个百分点缩小到3.9个百分点。特朗普的胜选概率也随着民调发生变化,从10月11日接近最低点的34.7%提高到40.3%。(次日又下滑到38.7%,但民调支持率的差距依旧为3.9%。)
这预示着特朗普民调支持率的波动,似乎能够或多或少带来胜选概率可以预见的上升和下滑。
从9月1日到10月11日,特朗普在民调上的差距从2.7%扩大到5%,提高2.3个百分点,使他的胜选概率从49.5%下滑到34.7%,下降了14.8个百分点。
他的落后差距每扩大1个百分点,胜选概率就会下降6.4个百分点。
同样,在随后8天,他的民调支持率差距从5%到3.9%缩小了略超过1个百分点,使他的胜选概率从34.7%上升到40.3%,提高了5.6个百分点。
所以,特朗普在摇摆州的民调支持率落后差距每缩小1个百分点,胜选概率就会提高约6个百分点。
缩小差距
现在,特朗普成功连任的概率为40%左右。
按照我们的公式,他如果想要在投注网站上领先拜登,就需要将胜选概率提高10个百分点以上,这需要他将拜登在民调上的领先优势缩小约1.6个百分点,将落后差距从3.9个百分点缩小到2.3个百分点。
值得注意的是,在9月1日,特朗普与拜登在民调支持率上的最小差距为2.7个百分点,当时他的胜选概率几乎追平拜登。
特朗普需要在选举日之前将差距缩小到2.5个百分点左右,才能够险胜拜登。前提是投注者是正确的。
当然,将落后差距缩小到2.5个百分点依旧假设为民意调查并不准确,而且有数以百万计的选民仍然对自己的真实想法感到难为情,不愿意把他们支持特朗普的立场告诉邻居和民意调查机构。
内特•希尔沃的FiveThirtyEight和《经济学人》这两家颇具威望的预测机构都认为,拜登的胜选概率在80%以上,而投注网站上的赌客目前严重高估了特朗普日渐渺茫的成功机会。
PredictIt显示,特朗普最近在多个州的赔率有所上升。
在佛罗里达州,他重新取得了10月1日失去的领先优势;在北卡罗来纳州,虽然拜登的民调支持率领先2%,但两人的赔率已经变成了1比1;在俄亥俄州,最近赔率上升使特朗普在PredictIt期货市场中遥遥领先;此外他在亚利桑那州和威斯康辛州的落后差距也在不断缩小。
然而,PredictIt上的投注者依旧认为特朗普只有35%的胜选概率,这在最近几周一直没有太大变化。这比RealClear Politics得出的他的胜选概率低了几个百分点。
对于那些投入真金白银的人,我们还是应该信任他们的判断。
事实上,只有赔率制定者才可以判定谁的猜测更准确——是那些赌客还是希尔沃和《经济学人》等专家。
我认同赌客的观点。他们依旧认为特朗普的胜选概率远低于50比50。他们认为,只要特朗普能够缩小与拜登的差距,就有可能继续留在白宫,尽管希望渺茫。(财富中文网)
翻译:刘进龙
审校:汪皓
编辑:徐晓彤
在特朗普的支持者中流传着一种说法——民意调查存在系统性的问题,少统计了数百万会在11月3日投票支持特朗普的选民。
如果这种说法属实,特朗普最终获胜的概率将提高到50比50,如果他现在能够把与乔•拜登的支持率差距缩小到只有几个百分点,那么他最终甚至有可能领先。
如何验证“如果特朗普缩小支持率差距,他就可以获胜”这种假设?一种方法是看投注网站上的赔率是否认为此次大选将胜负难料,特朗普会从大幅落后追到仅相差几个百分点,把一场毫无悬念的大选变成令人难以琢磨的赛马。
投注网站的数据能够作为指导,用于预测特朗普需要缩小多少差距,才可能在11月3日获胜。
投注网站上的赔率数据绝对是预测大选结果的最佳指南。
这是因为设定这些赔率的人是在拿自己的钱冒险,大选的结果与他们的利益息息相关,包括一些职业政治赌客都会仔细研究投票模式和选情变化。这就像要预测圣母大学橄榄球队或达拉斯牛仔队能否翻盘时,没有比看赌场或在线数字体育投注平台上的赔率更好的预测方式了。
虽然赌客押注美国总统大选可能会出错,就像2016年大选时那样。但总体而言,资金在民主党和共和党之间的摇摆,可以很好地预测选民的态度。
美国大部分州都禁止就美国总统大选开赌。美国唯一一个获准这样做的大型网站是PredictIt。但欧洲各式各样的在线博彩网站都为这场入主白宫的争夺战开了局。其中包括英国的Betfair、Bovada、Smarkets和Spreadex;奥地利的bwin和Unibet以及瑞典的Betsson。
最近几周,赌盘非常火爆。
撰写总统大选博彩分析文章的职业赌客兼自由撰稿人保罗•克里希那穆提,在最近发表的一篇文章中称,截至10月16日的一周,Betfair押注美国大选的资金超过2,500万美元,占该平台过去四年投注资金总额的15%。
RealClear Politics网站上平均每天发布9篇来自主要网站的最新文章。(其衡量指标中不包含PredictIt。)
我在本次分析中将使用这些数据,以及RealClear Politics对专家们认为会左右大选结果的五个摇摆州的平均民调支持率(这五个州分别是宾夕法尼亚州、佛罗里达州、威斯康辛州、北卡罗来纳州和亚利桑那州)。
下面我们来看看随着特朗普民调支持率的波动,投注赔率这个主要指标的变化情况,并根据这种变化来预测特朗普要将他与拜登的差距缩小到多少,才有机会赢得大选。
支持率反转不断
从7月21日到8月23日,拜登在摇摆州的民调支持率一直大幅领先特朗普4到6个百分点。
按照投注网站上的数据,特朗普的胜选概率在36.1%到43.4%之间波动。换言之,特朗普败选似乎已成定局,因为在这一个月期间,特朗普的胜选概率至少落后拜登16个百分点。
但8月最后一周,特朗普开始发力。在8月24日到27日之间召开的共和党虚拟大会,似乎大幅提高了特朗普的支持率。截至8月29日,他与拜登的民调支持率差距从两周前的4个百分点缩小到了2.7个百分点,并一直维持到9月1日。
9月1日,特朗普拿到了整个选举周期最高的胜选概率。据投注网站显示,他当天的胜选概率达到49.5%,与前副总统拜登只相差0.5%。
然而,他上升的势头非常短暂。
到9月10日,拜登在民调中领先3.9个百分点,之后他的领先优势一直维持在3.5至4个百分点。到了10月11日,他对特朗普的领先优势达到了最高的5个百分点。
特朗普在民意调查中的落后差距从2.7个百分点扩大到5个百分点,使他的胜选概率也大幅下降,从9月初最高的49.5%下降到34.7%。拜登的领先优势达到了2比1,有望入主白宫。
但在10月12日,选情再次出现变化。
特朗普感染新冠病毒之后回归,特意摆出一种胜利者的姿态,并重新开始举办竞选活动,当天晚上就在佛罗里达州斯坦福举办了一次声势浩大的集会。
看到总统身体健康并重新加入战局,使他的民调支持率在7周内第二次大幅上升。截至10月19日,特朗普将拜登在摇摆州的领先优势从5个百分点缩小到3.9个百分点。特朗普的胜选概率也随着民调发生变化,从10月11日接近最低点的34.7%提高到40.3%。(次日又下滑到38.7%,但民调支持率的差距依旧为3.9%。)
这预示着特朗普民调支持率的波动,似乎能够或多或少带来胜选概率可以预见的上升和下滑。
从9月1日到10月11日,特朗普在民调上的差距从2.7%扩大到5%,提高2.3个百分点,使他的胜选概率从49.5%下滑到34.7%,下降了14.8个百分点。
他的落后差距每扩大1个百分点,胜选概率就会下降6.4个百分点。
同样,在随后8天,他的民调支持率差距从5%到3.9%缩小了略超过1个百分点,使他的胜选概率从34.7%上升到40.3%,提高了5.6个百分点。
所以,特朗普在摇摆州的民调支持率落后差距每缩小1个百分点,胜选概率就会提高约6个百分点。
缩小差距
现在,特朗普成功连任的概率为40%左右。
按照我们的公式,他如果想要在投注网站上领先拜登,就需要将胜选概率提高10个百分点以上,这需要他将拜登在民调上的领先优势缩小约1.6个百分点,将落后差距从3.9个百分点缩小到2.3个百分点。
值得注意的是,在9月1日,特朗普与拜登在民调支持率上的最小差距为2.7个百分点,当时他的胜选概率几乎追平拜登。
特朗普需要在选举日之前将差距缩小到2.5个百分点左右,才能够险胜拜登。前提是投注者是正确的。
当然,将落后差距缩小到2.5个百分点依旧假设为民意调查并不准确,而且有数以百万计的选民仍然对自己的真实想法感到难为情,不愿意把他们支持特朗普的立场告诉邻居和民意调查机构。
内特•希尔沃的FiveThirtyEight和《经济学人》这两家颇具威望的预测机构都认为,拜登的胜选概率在80%以上,而投注网站上的赌客目前严重高估了特朗普日渐渺茫的成功机会。
PredictIt显示,特朗普最近在多个州的赔率有所上升。
在佛罗里达州,他重新取得了10月1日失去的领先优势;在北卡罗来纳州,虽然拜登的民调支持率领先2%,但两人的赔率已经变成了1比1;在俄亥俄州,最近赔率上升使特朗普在PredictIt期货市场中遥遥领先;此外他在亚利桑那州和威斯康辛州的落后差距也在不断缩小。
然而,PredictIt上的投注者依旧认为特朗普只有35%的胜选概率,这在最近几周一直没有太大变化。这比RealClear Politics得出的他的胜选概率低了几个百分点。
对于那些投入真金白银的人,我们还是应该信任他们的判断。
事实上,只有赔率制定者才可以判定谁的猜测更准确——是那些赌客还是希尔沃和《经济学人》等专家。
我认同赌客的观点。他们依旧认为特朗普的胜选概率远低于50比50。他们认为,只要特朗普能够缩小与拜登的差距,就有可能继续留在白宫,尽管希望渺茫。(财富中文网)
翻译:刘进龙
审校:汪皓
编辑:徐晓彤
It's gospel among Trump supporters that public polls systematically understate the millions of Americans who will vote for the President on Nov. 3. If that's the case, then the probability President Trump will prevail should advance to 50-50, or even show him in the lead, if he's still trailing but pulls within a couple of points of Joe Biden.
One way to test the "if Trump gets close he wins" hypothesis is to examine whether the odds on political betting sites do indeed rate the contest a toss-up when Trump goes from lagging by a furlong to within a few meters, turning what looks like a romp into a horse race. That data could provide a guide to how much of the current gap the President must close to get a good shot at victory on Nov. 3.
The odds offered on the betting sites are arguably the best guide to handicapping the outcome. That's because those odds are set by people putting "skin in the game" by risking their own money—including professional political gamblers who carefully study voting patterns and shifts in momentum. There's no better estimate of Notre Dame's or the Dallas Cowboys' chances of beating a point spread than the odds posted at the casinos or online digital sports betting venues. The gamblers can be wrong in presidential elections, as in 2016, but in general, the dollars shifting from blue to red and back should be an excellent bellwether for where voters are headed.
Gambling on U.S. elections is mostly banned stateside. The only major site approved to run a political futures market in the U.S. is PredictIt. But sundry online gambling sites in Europe are offering lines on the contest for the White House. They include Betfair, Bovada, Smarkets, and Spreadex, all of the U.K.; bwin of Austria, Betsson of Sweden, and Unibet of Austria. In recent weeks, the action's been terrific. Paul Krishnamurty, a professional gambler and freelance writer who pens insightful analysis on presidential gaming, notes in a recent post that Betfair saw over $25 million wagered on U.S. elections the week ended Oct. 16, equivalent to 15% of the total placed over the past four years.
RealClear Politics publishes a daily average of nine of the latest postings from the major sites. (PredictIt isn't included in that measure; more on that shortly.) For this analysis, I'm using that data alongside the RealClear Politics average of polls for the five swing states that most experts reckon will decide the election: Pennsylvania, Florida, Wisconsin, North Carolina, and Arizona. So let's look at how our leading indicator—those betting odds—have moved as Trump's poll numbers have waxed and waned, and what that tells us about the gap he must shrink to stand a chance on Election Day.
Ups and downs
From July 21 to Aug. 23, Biden led Trump by substantial margins of between 4 and 6 points in the swing states. Trump's odds of victory, as shown on the betting sites, toggled between 36.1% and 43.4%. In other words, the President looked like a loser, as he trailed Biden's odds by at least 16 percentage points during that monthlong interlude. But starting the last week in August, Trump went on a tear. The virtual Republican convention hosted from Aug. 24 to 27 appeared to give Trump a big boost. By Aug. 29, he'd narrowed Biden's lead from 4 points two weeks before to 2.7, and he clung that close through Sept. 1. On that date, Trump posted his best odds of the entire election cycle, as measured by betting sites, hitting 49.5% and pulling within 0.5% of the former vice president.
The bump was short-lived. By Sept. 10, Biden had regained a 3.9-point edge in the polls, and he maintained a lead in the high-3s and 4s before peaking at a 5-point advantage on Oct. 11. The rise in Trump's polling deficit from 2.7 to 5 points mirrored a steep drop in his odds, which cratered from the 49.5% summit at the start of September to 34.7%. That made Biden a two-to-one favorite to take the White House.
The road to the White House took still another surprise turn on Oct. 12. Trump emerged from his bout with COVID sporting an air of triumph and jumped back on the campaign trail, hosting a raucous rally that evening in Stanford, Fla. The sight of the President healthy and recharged for combat gave his poll numbers their second big lift in seven weeks. By Oct. 19, Trump had cut Biden's swing-state lead from 5 points to 3.9. Trump's odds followed his polls, jumping from the late Oct. 11 near-low of 34.7%, to 40.3%. (They shrank to 38.7% the next day, but the polling gap held at 3.9%.)
It's perhaps prophetic that Trump's ups and down in the polls appear to trigger more or less predictable gains and losses in his odds. The rise in his polling gap of 2.3 points, from 2.7% to 5%, between Sept. 1 and Oct. 11 caused his odds to retreat from 49.5% to 34.7%, or 14.8 points. For every 1 point his deficit grew, his odds dropped by 6.4 points. Similarly, his just-over-1-point move from a 5% to 3.9% deficit in the following eight days brought a rise in his betting line from 34.7% to 40.3%, or 5.6 points. So it's likely that a 1-point shrinkage in Trump's swing-state polling gap increases his probability of winning around 6 points.
Shrinking the edge
Trump's odds of clinching reelection now stand at around 40%. By our formula, to gain the extra 10-plus points needed to take the lead on the betting sites, he would need to shrink Biden's edge at the polls by around 1.6 points, taking him from 3.9 to 2.3 points behind. Keep in mind that on Sept. 1, Trump's odds trailed Biden's by just a hair when he lagged by his best reading ever of 2.7 points. It would appear that Trump needs to pull within the mid-2s by Election Day to pass Biden and win by a nose. That is, if the bettors are right.
Of course, squeezing the gap to 2.5 points still assumes that the polls are way off, and that millions of voters are still too embarrassed to tell neighbors and pollsters they're for Trump. Two highly respected prognosticators, Nate Silver's FiveThirtyEight and The Economist, put Biden's likelihood of victory at 80%-plus, and they reckon that the gamblers on the betting sites are now far overestimating Trump's fast-fading chances.
The odds on PredictIt show that Trump has gained recently in several states. He's regained the lead in Florida that he lost on Oct. 1, and North Carolina has moved to even money despite a 2% Biden lead in the polls. A recent jump has given the President a commanding lead in PredictIt's futures market in Ohio, and his deficits are narrowing in Arizona and Wisconsin. Nevertheless, those wagering on PredictIt still give Trump just a 35% probability of winning, little changed in recent weeks. That's several points below his standing in the RealClear Politics readings.
Still, you need to give a lot of credence to folks who put their money on the line. In fact, you've got to be an oddsmaker to decide who's closer, the bettors or the experts like Silver and The Economist. My vote's with the gamblers—who still give Trump a far less than 50-50 chance of winning. They just think getting close, though even that's a long shot, may be enough to keep Trump in the White House.