美国参议院多数党领袖米奇•麦康奈尔堪称一位斗士,他曾对抗过贝拉克•奥巴马、南希•佩洛西、查克•舒默、希拉里•克林顿、梅里克•加兰,或者任何一位民主党人。现在看起来,他的斗争还将继续。
现在,佐治亚州的两场势均力敌的竞选将决定明年参议院的命运。而当选总统乔•拜登也可能会遭遇同样的命运。
麦康奈尔在参议院执政期间的主要任务之一就是阻止任何潜在的民主党政策,并阻挠两党合作法案,以继续“投身”两党斗争的角力。对于这一角色,他从来不否认。
他明确表示,在奥巴马当选总统的第一天,他的目标就是不惜一切代价让奥巴马无法连任。他戏称自己为死神,“僵局”或许就是他的中间名。
有一次,在听到麦康奈尔发表了一篇关于参议员配偶的“真诚”演讲后,时任参议员阿尔•弗兰肯笑称,他希望麦康奈尔的言论“不那么邪恶”。谁知麦康奈尔笑着反驳:“但我更偏爱邪恶一些。”
华尔街认为共和党控制参议院、民主党控制白宫对市场来说是理想情况,但拜登由此可能将面临两年的立法僵局——除非民主党明年1月在佐治亚州胜利夺得两个决选席位。
早期的民调显示,两党选情势均力敌,双方差距十分接近。其实两名民主党人都有可能赢得他们的竞选,在副总统贺锦丽(Kamala Harris)的决胜作用之下达成50对50的参议员席位——当然这一切现在还很难说。但即便如此,民主党在国会中取得相对共和党的微弱优势,也不会转化成多大的影响力。
爱因斯坦总是被误认为说过这句话:“精神错乱就是一遍遍地做同一件事情,却期待不同的结果。”
我们不知道这句话的真实出处,但它很有道理:如果你想改变结果,你可能需要改变你做这件事情的过程。但是,中间派似乎相信拜登将能够与麦康奈尔联手合作——因为拜登曾经是参议院的“和事佬”,就算参议院最终共和党保持控制,他也可以推动一系列相对进步的政策提案获得通过。
《华盛顿邮报》的专栏作家乔治•F•威尔认为,拜登不必屈从于本党的激进派,所以他实际上能够从共和党占多数的参议院中获益。政客们称这对新搭档是“权力伙伴”,认为他们可以相处得很好。
南卡罗来纳州众议员吉姆•克莱伯恩表示,和麦康奈尔打交道“不会像一些人想象的那么困难”。“我不认为麦康奈尔对拜登会像对奥巴马那样刻薄。”他说。
“像乔•拜登这样的制度主义者知道,他能够得到的就是这些。”华盛顿颇具影响力的说客斯科特•西格尔说,“我要强调的是,拜登和麦康奈尔可能是彼此的角斗士,但其实他们都非常了解对方。”
在拜登36年的参议院生涯和8年的白宫生涯中,拜登和麦康奈尔的确有过合作。
2010年,麦康奈尔与时任前副总统的拜登密切合作,促成了一笔大额税收交易。麦康奈尔随后邀请拜登在路易斯维尔大学的一个活动上发言,以表尊重。
一次麦康奈尔也在场的活动上,拜登发言说:“你们都想看看一位共和党人和一位民主党人是否能够真心地喜欢对方,对吧?现在我告诉你们,我俩是真的彼此欣赏。”
两人还在2013年绕过各自政党的领导地位,就潜在的“财政悬崖”(fiscal cliff)进行谈判。当时的参议院民主党领袖哈里•里德被排除在谈判之外。
几年后,奥巴马政府落幕,拜登挥别参议院。麦康奈尔说,拜登是“一位好朋友”,也是“值得信赖的伙伴”。
拜登似乎不希望这些温情完结。拜登表示,他在椭圆形办公室的第一件事将是打电话给共和党人,因为“我们必须弄清楚如何继续前进,其实我们在很多事情上是意见一致的”。他已经提出了将共和党人纳入自己内阁的想法。
拜登在特拉华州威尔明顿对支持者说:“民主党人和共和党人拒绝彼此合作,这并不是我们无法控制的什么神秘力量。这是一个决定,是一个我们可以做出的选择。”
在他的胜选演说中,他还表示:“如果我们可以决定不合作,那么我们一定也能够决定合作。我相信,这是美国人民赋予我们使命的一部分。人民希望我们为了他们的利益而合作。”
言论是一回事,但行动又是另一回事。
在CNN的奥巴马回忆录预览中,奥巴马称拜登与麦康奈尔的关系主要建立在“共和党偏见”的基础上,而不是特殊的友谊。
奥巴马写道:“除了拜登有参议院工作经历和法律敏锐度之外,我选他作为中间人的一大原因是我意识到,在麦康奈尔看来,共和党与副总统进行谈判,可能不那么容易激怒共和党。”
奥巴马时代以后,共和党也发生了变化。比如,麦康奈尔不愿意公开接受拜登将在明年1月20日取代特朗普总统的事实,而是选择站在特朗普所谓选票欺诈这一未经证实的说法一边。
麦康奈尔在选举结果公布后表示:“特朗普总统完全有权调查违规指控,并权衡他的法律选择。”他拒绝称特朗普应当对选举结果让步。
在特朗普治下,美国的政治行为变得越来越党派化。共和党比20年前要保守得多,不再能够代表美国大多数人民的意见——就连该党对麦康奈尔的看法最近也发生了转变。
2017年,大多数共和党人和民主党人对这位参议院领袖持负面态度。但研究公司YouGov的调查显示,2017年至2020年,他在共和党人中的平均支持度从4.0分升至5.4分(满分为10分),而在民主党人中的支持率从2.6分降至1.8分。
“麦康奈尔可能会试图孤立拜登以达成协议,但我不相信党团会同意。”里德的高级助手吉姆•曼利说,“共和党,它已经变了。”(财富中文网)
编译:杨二一
美国参议院多数党领袖米奇•麦康奈尔堪称一位斗士,他曾对抗过贝拉克•奥巴马、南希•佩洛西、查克•舒默、希拉里•克林顿、梅里克•加兰,或者任何一位民主党人。现在看起来,他的斗争还将继续。
现在,佐治亚州的两场势均力敌的竞选将决定明年参议院的命运。而当选总统乔•拜登也可能会遭遇同样的命运。
麦康奈尔在参议院执政期间的主要任务之一就是阻止任何潜在的民主党政策,并阻挠两党合作法案,以继续“投身”两党斗争的角力。对于这一角色,他从来不否认。
他明确表示,在奥巴马当选总统的第一天,他的目标就是不惜一切代价让奥巴马无法连任。他戏称自己为死神,“僵局”或许就是他的中间名。
有一次,在听到麦康奈尔发表了一篇关于参议员配偶的“真诚”演讲后,时任参议员阿尔•弗兰肯笑称,他希望麦康奈尔的言论“不那么邪恶”。谁知麦康奈尔笑着反驳:“但我更偏爱邪恶一些。”
华尔街认为共和党控制参议院、民主党控制白宫对市场来说是理想情况,但拜登由此可能将面临两年的立法僵局——除非民主党明年1月在佐治亚州胜利夺得两个决选席位。
早期的民调显示,两党选情势均力敌,双方差距十分接近。其实两名民主党人都有可能赢得他们的竞选,在副总统贺锦丽(Kamala Harris)的决胜作用之下达成50对50的参议员席位——当然这一切现在还很难说。但即便如此,民主党在国会中取得相对共和党的微弱优势,也不会转化成多大的影响力。
爱因斯坦总是被误认为说过这句话:“精神错乱就是一遍遍地做同一件事情,却期待不同的结果。”
我们不知道这句话的真实出处,但它很有道理:如果你想改变结果,你可能需要改变你做这件事情的过程。但是,中间派似乎相信拜登将能够与麦康奈尔联手合作——因为拜登曾经是参议院的“和事佬”,就算参议院最终共和党保持控制,他也可以推动一系列相对进步的政策提案获得通过。
《华盛顿邮报》的专栏作家乔治•F•威尔认为,拜登不必屈从于本党的激进派,所以他实际上能够从共和党占多数的参议院中获益。政客们称这对新搭档是“权力伙伴”,认为他们可以相处得很好。
南卡罗来纳州众议员吉姆•克莱伯恩表示,和麦康奈尔打交道“不会像一些人想象的那么困难”。“我不认为麦康奈尔对拜登会像对奥巴马那样刻薄。”他说。
“像乔•拜登这样的制度主义者知道,他能够得到的就是这些。”华盛顿颇具影响力的说客斯科特•西格尔说,“我要强调的是,拜登和麦康奈尔可能是彼此的角斗士,但其实他们都非常了解对方。”
在拜登36年的参议院生涯和8年的白宫生涯中,拜登和麦康奈尔的确有过合作。
2010年,麦康奈尔与时任前副总统的拜登密切合作,促成了一笔大额税收交易。麦康奈尔随后邀请拜登在路易斯维尔大学的一个活动上发言,以表尊重。
一次麦康奈尔也在场的活动上,拜登发言说:“你们都想看看一位共和党人和一位民主党人是否能够真心地喜欢对方,对吧?现在我告诉你们,我俩是真的彼此欣赏。”
两人还在2013年绕过各自政党的领导地位,就潜在的“财政悬崖”(fiscal cliff)进行谈判。当时的参议院民主党领袖哈里•里德被排除在谈判之外。
几年后,奥巴马政府落幕,拜登挥别参议院。麦康奈尔说,拜登是“一位好朋友”,也是“值得信赖的伙伴”。
拜登似乎不希望这些温情完结。拜登表示,他在椭圆形办公室的第一件事将是打电话给共和党人,因为“我们必须弄清楚如何继续前进,其实我们在很多事情上是意见一致的”。他已经提出了将共和党人纳入自己内阁的想法。
拜登在特拉华州威尔明顿对支持者说:“民主党人和共和党人拒绝彼此合作,这并不是我们无法控制的什么神秘力量。这是一个决定,是一个我们可以做出的选择。”
在他的胜选演说中,他还表示:“如果我们可以决定不合作,那么我们一定也能够决定合作。我相信,这是美国人民赋予我们使命的一部分。人民希望我们为了他们的利益而合作。”
言论是一回事,但行动又是另一回事。
在CNN的奥巴马回忆录预览中,奥巴马称拜登与麦康奈尔的关系主要建立在“共和党偏见”的基础上,而不是特殊的友谊。
奥巴马写道:“除了拜登有参议院工作经历和法律敏锐度之外,我选他作为中间人的一大原因是我意识到,在麦康奈尔看来,共和党与副总统进行谈判,可能不那么容易激怒共和党。”
奥巴马时代以后,共和党也发生了变化。比如,麦康奈尔不愿意公开接受拜登将在明年1月20日取代特朗普总统的事实,而是选择站在特朗普所谓选票欺诈这一未经证实的说法一边。
麦康奈尔在选举结果公布后表示:“特朗普总统完全有权调查违规指控,并权衡他的法律选择。”他拒绝称特朗普应当对选举结果让步。
在特朗普治下,美国的政治行为变得越来越党派化。共和党比20年前要保守得多,不再能够代表美国大多数人民的意见——就连该党对麦康奈尔的看法最近也发生了转变。
2017年,大多数共和党人和民主党人对这位参议院领袖持负面态度。但研究公司YouGov的调查显示,2017年至2020年,他在共和党人中的平均支持度从4.0分升至5.4分(满分为10分),而在民主党人中的支持率从2.6分降至1.8分。
“麦康奈尔可能会试图孤立拜登以达成协议,但我不相信党团会同意。”里德的高级助手吉姆•曼利说,“共和党,它已经变了。”(财富中文网)
编译:杨二一
It’s a tale as old as time: Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell versus Barack Obama—or Nancy Pelosi or Chuck Schumer or Hillary Clinton or Merrick Garland, or whoever the Democrat du jour is.
Now, with two tight races in Georgia set to control the fate of the Senate next year, President-elect Joe Biden may suffer the same fate.
McConnell doesn’t deny that one of the pillars of his reign in the Senate is to block any potential Democratic policy and thwart bipartisan bills in favor of partisan political maneuvering. He made it clear that his day one goal during the Obama presidency was to make him a one-termer at all costs. He gleefully refers to himself as the grim reaper; “gridlock” may as well be his middle name. Once, after hearing McConnell deliver a heartfelt speech about Senate spouses, then-Sen. Al Franken joked that he preferred his speeches when they weren’t evil. “I like the evil ones better,” McConnell retorted, smiling.
And while Wall Street argues that a Republican-held Senate and Democratic-held White House is an ideal situation for markets, Biden is likely looking at two years of a legislative stalemate unless Democrats pick up two runoff seats in Georgia this January. Early polling shows tight races, with each candidate within the margin of error of the other. It's possible that both Democrats win their races, and the Senate ends up 50-50 with Vice President Kamala Harris serving as a tiebreaker, but it's a toss-up right now. And even so, the very slim margins Democrats will have in Congress over Republicans won't translate into heaps of leverage.
Albert Einstein is famously misattributed as saying that "insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results." We don’t actually know where the quote comes from, but it holds true: If you want to change the results, you probably need to shake up the process. Yet centrists appear to believe that Biden will be able to work hand in hand with McConnell, that because of his history as a beloved peacemaker in the Senate, he’ll be able to get a number of relatively progressive policy initiatives passed even if Republicans maintain control.
Washington Post columnist George F. Will has argued that Biden could actually benefit from a Republican majority Senate because he won’t have to bend to the progressive side of his own party. Politico has called the pair a “power couple” and argued that they could get along. South Carolina Rep. Jim Clyburn said that dealing with McConnell will "not be as hard as some people think. I don’t think Mitch will be as mean to Joe as he was to Obama."
“An institutionalist like Joe Biden knows that's all he can get,” said Scott Segal, an influential Washington lobbyist. “And I would stress here that Joe Biden and Mitch McConnell may have been gladiators against one another, both in the Senate and in this election season, but they know each other very well.”
It’s true that Biden and McConnell worked together during Biden’s 36 years in the U.S. Senate and eight years in the White House. In 2010, McConnell collaborated closely with the former vice president to broker a large tax deal. McConnell invited Biden to speak at an event at the University of Louisville afterward, as a sign of respect.
“You want to see whether a Republican and Democrat really like each other,’’ Biden said at the event as McConnell looked on. “Well, I’m here to tell you we do.’’
The pair also skirted their parties' leadership by coming together to negotiate around the potential fiscal cliff in 2013, opting to leave then-Senate Democratic leader Harry Reid out of their talks.
Years later, as the Obama administration came to an end, and Biden said goodbye to the Senate, McConnell said that Biden was “a good friend” as well as a “trusted partner.”
It appears that Biden doesn’t want those warm feelings to end. The President-elect has indicated that one of his first actions in the Oval Office will be calling Republicans because “we've got to figure out how we're going to move forward here. Because there are so many things we really do agree on.” He has floated the idea of including Republicans in his own cabinet.
“Refusal of Democrats and Republicans to cooperate with one another—it’s not some mysterious force beyond our control. It’s a decision, a choice we make,” Biden told supporters in Wilmington, Del., during his victory speech. “And if we can decide not to cooperate, then we can decide to cooperate. And I believe that this is part of the mandate given to us from the American people. They want us to cooperate in their interest.”
Words are one thing, but actions are another. In a preview of Barack Obama’s memoir, obtained by CNN, the 44th President described Biden’s relationship with McConnell as one based mainly on Republican prejudices and not a particularly special friendship.
Obama writes: “One of the reasons I’d chosen Joe to act as an intermediary—in addition to his Senate experience and legislative acumen—was my awareness that in McConnell’s mind, negotiations with the vice president didn’t inflame the Republican base in quite the same way that any appearance of cooperation with (Black, Muslim socialist) Obama was bound to do.”
The Republican Party has also changed since the Obama era, as demonstrated by McConnell’s unwillingness to publicly accept that Biden will replace President Donald Trump on Jan. 20, instead opting to side with Trump and his unsubstantiated claims of voter fraud.
"President Trump is 100% within his rights to look into allegations of irregularities and weigh his legal options,” McConnell said following the election results. He has refused to say that Trump should concede the race.
Under Trump, American political behavior grew increasingly partisan. The Republican Party is far more conservative than it was 20 years ago—and less representative of the nation's demographics. Even views on McConnell have shifted recently, emboldening the leader to stay the course. In 2017, the majority of Republicans and Democrats viewed the Senate leader unfavorably. But according to surveys conducted by research firm YouGov, between 2017 and 2020, his average rating among Republicans grew from 4.0 to 5.4 on a 10-point scale, while his rating among Democrats dropped from 2.6 to 1.8.
"McConnell may try to isolate Biden to cut deals, but I don't believe the caucus will agree with it," said Jim Manley, a top aide to Reid. "The Republican Party has changed."