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一场权力的博弈:特斯拉起诉地方政府,并非只关乎特斯拉

David Z. Morris
2020-05-15

该事件还可能会有助于明确疫情期间美国经济活动如何重启的问题,甚至会影响到各州的权力问题。

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由于加州弗里蒙特工厂被禁止复工复产,特斯拉愤而状告当地的郡政府。此事将不仅仅关系到该公司是否能够继续在当地生产汽车。据法律专家们称,它还可能会有助于明确新冠病毒疫情期间美国经济活动如何重启的问题,更广泛地说,甚至会影响到各州对地方政府的权力问题。

就在特斯拉CEO埃隆·马斯克怒指疫情封锁令“法西斯主义”几天后,该公司在北加州地方法院对阿拉米达郡政府提起诉讼。接着,周一晚间,马斯克直接宣布特斯拉在该郡的工厂将要复工,完全无视郡政府的禁令。

这场争端对特斯拉来说事关重大。弗里蒙特工厂是该公司唯一一家为欧美市场生产Model 3等车型的工厂。一天不生产,它的经营一天就有隐忧。

但有数名卫生法专家指出,随着美国各州纷纷解除疫情封锁令,该起诉讼可能会产生更广泛的影响。尤其值得一提的是,它可能会影响其它地区的法院对于州级命令是否优先于市级或郡级命令的裁定。例如,在南卡罗来纳州,格林维尔市能否颁布比同州其它地方更严厉的居家令,尚无定论。

特斯拉的诉讼结果可能会引发特别大的影响,毕竟在因为封锁令而起诉政府的公司当中,该汽车制造商是最受瞩目的。其它类似的诉讼来自于一些相对较小的公司,它们有的也声称政府违反宪法中的正当程序和平等保护条例,有的则称自己从事的是必要行业,理应获准复工复产。

路易斯安那州立大学的法学教授爱德华·理查兹认为,特斯拉公然违抗政府防疫命令的行为——本周不顾阿拉米达郡政府禁令重启工厂——应该分开来看,不应影响诉讼案件本身。理查兹此前曾与美国司法部合作应对流行病防范问题。

“特斯拉愿意拿出实际行动,控诉政府。”理查兹表示,“一定程度上是因为他们认为当地政府没有权力禁止他们复工。如果法官也是这么认为的,那么当地政府就不能禁止他们复工。”

亚利桑那州立大学的卫生法专家詹姆斯·霍奇指出,特斯拉的诉讼有三个主要论据。首先,特斯拉称,阿拉米达郡传出含糊不清的信息,违反了宪法赋予公司的正当程序权利。该公司接着指出,由于加州不同地区的工厂受到不同的限制,它的平等保护权利受到了侵犯。最后,它说,阿拉米达郡的限制性命令优先级要低于加州放行州内制造商复工的命令。

本文所采访的专家都敦促在谈论此案时要谨慎,因为阿拉米达郡还没有机会在法庭文件中做出回应,给出它这一方的说法。不过,霍奇说,正当程序方面的主张有一定道理。阿拉米达郡公布的指引文件称,安装“分布式太阳能系统、储能系统和/或电动汽车充电系统”的企业可以继续运营。特斯拉称这些企业包括它的弗里蒙特工厂在内。据该公司称,阿拉米达郡后来在下令该工厂关闭时反驳了那些说法。

“如果你的行事显得武断或含糊不清,那么你就违背了正当程序原则。”霍奇如是说阿拉米达郡政府。

至于特斯拉有关平等保护权利的论据,霍奇以及法律教授、东北大学的卫生政策与法规中心主任温迪·帕尔梅特都认为没有说服力。特斯拉的主张是拿它在阿拉米达郡的工厂受到的对待与另一个郡的复工决定来比较。帕尔梅特说,不能拿两个不同的司法管辖区之间的区别来支持平等保护主张。

“那说不通,因为平等保护是要看同一个郡是否区别对待其管辖范围内的其它企业。”她说道。

特斯拉的第三个论据影响可能最为深远,不管它最终是否会让特斯拉直接受益。该公司辩称,加州州长加文·纽森颁布的命令优先于任何的郡级命令,加州其它地方的工厂陆续复工也表明,该州准许像特斯拉弗里蒙特工厂那样的工厂复工。

随着越来越多州放松隔离管制,准许工厂复工,各州是否能够迫使市级或郡级政府实行特定的防疫政策,将成为一个要重大得多的问题。特斯拉的案子可能会成为某些争端的一个判决先例。例如,正当佐治亚州各地纷纷开始复工时,却有个城市反其道而行之,实施更严格的封锁命令,而该州想要推翻这一命令。

对于命令优先级问题会如何左右特斯拉的诉讼结果,专家们看法不一。

“加州州长纽森并没说州级命令优先于所有的地方级命令。”霍奇说,“他只是说,如果郡直接违反州级命令,州政府就会预先制止。在其它的情况下,一定程度上取决于当地政府自己的决策。”理查兹则认为特斯拉有关州级命令优先的说法“很有说服力。”

在帕尔梅特看来,特斯拉的案件背后,是州政府和地方政府在州政府是否有权推翻地方法令的问题上的争论。近年来,各州对地方政府有关共享出行和最低工资的规定实施约束,但那些做法是否合法仍无定论。帕尔梅特表示,特斯拉的案子可能会有助于进一步澄清这一问题。

如果法官最终做出对特斯拉有利的判决,那么该公司就能够复工复产。阿拉米达郡也可能会撤销或修改它的命令,在审理之前结束这起案件。

鉴于特斯拉的工厂已于5月11日复工,它如果败诉的话,情况就没有那么明晰了。阿拉米达郡政府在同一天向特斯拉发出一份公开声明和信件,称它在“使用分阶段复工的方法来解决这一问题,如同我们对待过去违反禁令的其它企业那样,我们希望特斯拉也遵守命令,避免政府采取进一步的强制措施。”

这起案件正在加快处理,因此可能几周内就有裁决结果。

不管诉讼结果如何,特斯拉无视禁令的做法可能会损害它的社会声誉。尤其要指出的是,民调发现,对于马斯克公然违抗的公共卫生命令,而绝大多数美国人都支持公共卫生命令。

咨询公司Publicis Sapient跟踪特斯拉的分析师阿莉莎·奥尔特曼表示,如果特斯拉看上去罔顾工人的健康安全强行复工,只顾着自己的业绩,那么大家“可能会不再觉得它是一家试图让这个世界变得更美好、让环境变得更好的公司。”

更新:就在这篇文章发表之前,阿拉米达郡宣布,在达到一些基准的前提下,“我们准许特斯拉本周开始最低限度的业务运营,为可能最早下周到来的复工做好准备。”这一决定可能最终会让特斯拉的诉讼变得毫无实际意义。(财富中文网)

译者:万志文

由于加州弗里蒙特工厂被禁止复工复产,特斯拉愤而状告当地的郡政府。此事将不仅仅关系到该公司是否能够继续在当地生产汽车。据法律专家们称,它还可能会有助于明确新冠病毒疫情期间美国经济活动如何重启的问题,更广泛地说,甚至会影响到各州对地方政府的权力问题。

就在特斯拉CEO埃隆·马斯克怒指疫情封锁令“法西斯主义”几天后,该公司在北加州地方法院对阿拉米达郡政府提起诉讼。接着,周一晚间,马斯克直接宣布特斯拉在该郡的工厂将要复工,完全无视郡政府的禁令。

这场争端对特斯拉来说事关重大。弗里蒙特工厂是该公司唯一一家为欧美市场生产Model 3等车型的工厂。一天不生产,它的经营一天就有隐忧。

但有数名卫生法专家指出,随着美国各州纷纷解除疫情封锁令,该起诉讼可能会产生更广泛的影响。尤其值得一提的是,它可能会影响其它地区的法院对于州级命令是否优先于市级或郡级命令的裁定。例如,在南卡罗来纳州,格林维尔市能否颁布比同州其它地方更严厉的居家令,尚无定论。

特斯拉的诉讼结果可能会引发特别大的影响,毕竟在因为封锁令而起诉政府的公司当中,该汽车制造商是最受瞩目的。其它类似的诉讼来自于一些相对较小的公司,它们有的也声称政府违反宪法中的正当程序和平等保护条例,有的则称自己从事的是必要行业,理应获准复工复产。

路易斯安那州立大学的法学教授爱德华·理查兹认为,特斯拉公然违抗政府防疫命令的行为——本周不顾阿拉米达郡政府禁令重启工厂——应该分开来看,不应影响诉讼案件本身。理查兹此前曾与美国司法部合作应对流行病防范问题。

“特斯拉愿意拿出实际行动,控诉政府。”理查兹表示,“一定程度上是因为他们认为当地政府没有权力禁止他们复工。如果法官也是这么认为的,那么当地政府就不能禁止他们复工。”

亚利桑那州立大学的卫生法专家詹姆斯·霍奇指出,特斯拉的诉讼有三个主要论据。首先,特斯拉称,阿拉米达郡传出含糊不清的信息,违反了宪法赋予公司的正当程序权利。该公司接着指出,由于加州不同地区的工厂受到不同的限制,它的平等保护权利受到了侵犯。最后,它说,阿拉米达郡的限制性命令优先级要低于加州放行州内制造商复工的命令。

本文所采访的专家都敦促在谈论此案时要谨慎,因为阿拉米达郡还没有机会在法庭文件中做出回应,给出它这一方的说法。不过,霍奇说,正当程序方面的主张有一定道理。阿拉米达郡公布的指引文件称,安装“分布式太阳能系统、储能系统和/或电动汽车充电系统”的企业可以继续运营。特斯拉称这些企业包括它的弗里蒙特工厂在内。据该公司称,阿拉米达郡后来在下令该工厂关闭时反驳了那些说法。

“如果你的行事显得武断或含糊不清,那么你就违背了正当程序原则。”霍奇如是说阿拉米达郡政府。

至于特斯拉有关平等保护权利的论据,霍奇以及法律教授、东北大学的卫生政策与法规中心主任温迪·帕尔梅特都认为没有说服力。特斯拉的主张是拿它在阿拉米达郡的工厂受到的对待与另一个郡的复工决定来比较。帕尔梅特说,不能拿两个不同的司法管辖区之间的区别来支持平等保护主张。

“那说不通,因为平等保护是要看同一个郡是否区别对待其管辖范围内的其它企业。”她说道。

特斯拉的第三个论据影响可能最为深远,不管它最终是否会让特斯拉直接受益。该公司辩称,加州州长加文·纽森颁布的命令优先于任何的郡级命令,加州其它地方的工厂陆续复工也表明,该州准许像特斯拉弗里蒙特工厂那样的工厂复工。

随着越来越多州放松隔离管制,准许工厂复工,各州是否能够迫使市级或郡级政府实行特定的防疫政策,将成为一个要重大得多的问题。特斯拉的案子可能会成为某些争端的一个判决先例。例如,正当佐治亚州各地纷纷开始复工时,却有个城市反其道而行之,实施更严格的封锁命令,而该州想要推翻这一命令。

对于命令优先级问题会如何左右特斯拉的诉讼结果,专家们看法不一。

“加州州长纽森并没说州级命令优先于所有的地方级命令。”霍奇说,“他只是说,如果郡直接违反州级命令,州政府就会预先制止。在其它的情况下,一定程度上取决于当地政府自己的决策。”理查兹则认为特斯拉有关州级命令优先的说法“很有说服力。”

在帕尔梅特看来,特斯拉的案件背后,是州政府和地方政府在州政府是否有权推翻地方法令的问题上的争论。近年来,各州对地方政府有关共享出行和最低工资的规定实施约束,但那些做法是否合法仍无定论。帕尔梅特表示,特斯拉的案子可能会有助于进一步澄清这一问题。

如果法官最终做出对特斯拉有利的判决,那么该公司就能够复工复产。阿拉米达郡也可能会撤销或修改它的命令,在审理之前结束这起案件。

鉴于特斯拉的工厂已于5月11日复工,它如果败诉的话,情况就没有那么明晰了。阿拉米达郡政府在同一天向特斯拉发出一份公开声明和信件,称它在“使用分阶段复工的方法来解决这一问题,如同我们对待过去违反禁令的其它企业那样,我们希望特斯拉也遵守命令,避免政府采取进一步的强制措施。”

这起案件正在加快处理,因此可能几周内就有裁决结果。

不管诉讼结果如何,特斯拉无视禁令的做法可能会损害它的社会声誉。尤其要指出的是,民调发现,对于马斯克公然违抗的公共卫生命令,而绝大多数美国人都支持公共卫生命令。

咨询公司Publicis Sapient跟踪特斯拉的分析师阿莉莎·奥尔特曼表示,如果特斯拉看上去罔顾工人的健康安全强行复工,只顾着自己的业绩,那么大家“可能会不再觉得它是一家试图让这个世界变得更美好、让环境变得更好的公司。”

更新:就在这篇文章发表之前,阿拉米达郡宣布,在达到一些基准的前提下,“我们准许特斯拉本周开始最低限度的业务运营,为可能最早下周到来的复工做好准备。”这一决定可能最终会让特斯拉的诉讼变得毫无实际意义。(财富中文网)

译者:万志文

Tesla's lawsuit against a county government to open its Fremont, Calif. factory will do more than impact whether the company can continue making cars there. It could also, according to legal experts, help define how America reopens amid the coronavirus pandemic, and even more broadly, influence the power states have over local governments.

Tesla's suit, filed in the U.S. District Court for Northern California, came just days after its CEO, Elon Musk, referred to coronavirus lockdown orders as ‘fascist.’ Then late Monday, Musk declared that his company's factory would reopen in direct defiance of orders by Alameda County, where the plant is located.

The standoff is high-stakes for Tesla. The Fremont factory is the only plant producing Tesla cars, such as the Model 3 sedan, for the U.S. and European markets. Every day it is not making cars threatens the company’s bottom line.

But several health law experts say the case could have broader implications as U.S. states move to end coronavirus lockdowns. In particular, it may influence whether courts elsewhere rule that state-level orders trump city or county orders. In South Carolina, for instance, there has been uncertainty over whether the City of Greenville can enact a stronger stay-at-home order than the rest of the state.

The outcome of Tesla's case could be particularly influential because the carmaker is the highest-profile company to sue in opposition to lockdown orders. Other suits have come from smaller businesses, which have also alleged unconstitutional violations of due process and equal protection, or argued that they are essential businesses that should be free to open.

Tesla's decision to openly defy government health orders—it reopened its factory this week despite the county government's position—should not impact the court case itself, according to Edward Richards, a Louisiana State University law professor who has previously worked with the U.S. Department of Justice on pandemic preparedness issues.

“[Tesla] is willing to put their money where their mouth is,” says Richards. “That’s partly because they say the locality doesn’t have the authority to do this. If the judge finds that to be true … the locality can’t do anything.”

Tesla’s suit makes three main arguments, according to James Hodge, a health-law specialist at Arizona State University. Tesla argues, first, that the mixed messages sent by Alameda County violated the company’s constitutional right to the due process of law. Tesla further argues that, because factories in different parts of California are subject to different restrictions, its constitutional right to equal protection has been violated. Finally, the company argues that Alameda County’s more-restrictive orders are pre-empted by statewide orders, which it says give it clearance to operate.

All of the experts interviewed for this article urged caution in assessing the case, because Alameda County has not yet had the chance to respond in court filings with its own version of events. Still, Hodge says that there is some merit to the due process claim. Alameda County's published guidelines stated that businesses that install "distributed solar, storage, and/or electric vehicle charging systems" could remain open, which Tesla says includes the Fremont factory. The county, says Tesla, later contradicted those statements in ordering the factory closed.

“If you act in an arbitrary or vague way,” says Hodge, referring to the county, “you’re outside the bounds of due process.”

Tesla’s equal protection argument is less persuasive both to Hodge and to Wendy Parmet, law professor and director of the Center for Health Policy and Law at Northeastern University. Tesla's claim compares the treatment of its facility in Alameda County with the decision made in a different county. Parmet says comparing two different jurisdictions isn’t relevant to an equal protection claim.

“That makes almost no sense. Because [equal protection is] a question of whether the [same] county is acting differently to other businesses within their jurisdiction,” she says.

The third leg of Tesla’s case may be the most impactful, whether or not it helps Tesla directly. The company argues that the orders issued by California Gov. Gavin Newsom supersede any orders at the county level, and that the reopening of factories elsewhere in California indicates that the state approves of factories like Tesla's reopening.

The question of whether states can force cities or counties to adopt specific pandemic-related policies is about to become a much bigger one as more states open up. Tesla’s case could act as a precedent of sorts if, for instance, a city in Georgia decides to impose stricter lockdown orders as the broader state reopens, and the state tries to overrule it.

Experts were divided on how the preemption question might play in Tesla’s case.

“Gov. Newsom did not preempt all [local orders],” says Hodge. “He just said if a county is directly violating the order, the state preempts. Otherwise, some of it is subject to local decision-making.” Richards, by contrast, describes Tesla’s argument that the state order takes precedence as “fairly strong.”

According to Parmet, Tesla's case is part of an ongoing "backdrop of contestation between state and local governments" on states' ability to override local ordinances. States have placed limits on local government regulations on ridesharing and minimum wage in recent years, but there remains uncertainty about whether those moves are legal. The Tesla case, according to Parmet, could help further clarify the question.

If a judge rules in Tesla's favor, the company would be clear to reopen. The county could also rescind or revise its order, ending the case before it goes before a judge.

It's less clear what would happen if Tesla loses, given that the factory reopened on May 11. In a public statement and letter sent to Tesla the same day, Alameda County said it is "addressing this matter using the same phased approach we use for other businesses which have violated the Order in the past, and we hope that Tesla will likewise comply without further enforcement measures."

The court case is on an accelerated timeline, so could be decided in a matter of weeks.

Regardless of the legal outcome, Tesla’s aggressive opposition to lockdown orders could threaten its reputation as a company focused on social good. That’s particularly true because of Musk’s vocal defiance of public health orders, which polls find the vast majority of Americans support.

Alyssa Altman, an analyst who covers Tesla for the consulting firm Publicis Sapient, says that if the company appears to be focused on its own finances rather than worker safety, Tesla “could lose that perception of trying to take the world to a different place, emotionally as well as environmentally.”

Update 5/13: Just before publication of this article, Alameda County announced that, if some benchmarks are met, "we have agreed that Tesla can begin to augment their Minimum Business Operations this week in preparation for possible reopening as soon as next week." The decision may ultimately render Tesla's lawsuit moot.

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