上周四美国国会召开的反垄断听证会,标志着美国政府在是否应该监管以及应该如何监管大型科技企业的问题上迈出了重要一步。不过从听证会上提出的问题来看,议员们很可能将注意力放在了一些错误的问题上。
受疫情影响,美国的经济衰退愈演愈烈,失业率持续飙升,然而苹果、谷歌、脸书和亚马逊等大型科技公司的业绩却比以往任何时候都要好。苹果的市值已经超过了1.9万亿美元,而光是2020年以来,亚马逊的股票就增长了63%,市值也达到了惊人的1.6万亿美元。目前,美国四大科技公司的市值总计已达5万亿美元,占标普500企业的近五分之一。而且更重要的是,它们对社会的方方面面都产生了前所未有的影响。
在周四的听证会上,有些议员质疑,四大科技公司是否在利用收并购手段消灭竞争对手,或者是否在用收并购活动巩固其市场力量,以达到对市场的垄断性控制地位。Stratechery网站的本·汤普森称,脸书收购Instagram是“过去十年监管领域的最大失败”。收并购问题成为听证会上的核心议题也是很自然的,因为美国司法部、联邦贸易委员会等监管部门都有通过监管收并购活动来反垄断的经验。
虽然如此,但过度关注收并购问题仍然是一个错误——尤其是美国就业市场正处于“大萧条”以来最疲软的时期,如果制订过于激进的反收并购政策,对市场进行过度修正,由此带来的风险将远远超过Instagram这个孤例的负面影响。
科技界的收并购活动包含了很多种交易。有些收并购活动的规模比较小(比如一些濒临倒闭的公司,收购这些公司主要是为了它的员工,通常是工程师)。虽然能够获得媒体关注的,只有那些交易额达几十亿美元的收购案,但这些小规模的收购活动才是市场的主流。此外还有很多中等规模的收购,它们有时甚至可以给初创公司及其员工创造坚实的甚至出色的业绩。2018年,美国一共有779起由风投支持的收并购交易,其交易额的中位数为1.05亿美元。
可以肯定的说,所有风投资本家和想方设法拉风投的创业者,他们的目标都是IPO。IPO可以给所有人(员工、创始人和投资人)带来最理想的回报,也能创造最多的工作机会。但大多数企业永远也无法达到上市公司的规模,去年几家科技公司的IPO遇冷就是例子。另外,从美国当前的监管环境来看,上市对企业规模的要求也越来越高。这就是为什么在过去几年里,美国每年IPO的公司数量平均只有2000年以前的一半。毫不奇怪,如今美国上市公司的总数大概也只有20年前的一半。
企业上市的难度越大,收并购就越容易成为创业者承担风险的动力,以及风投家给创业者注资的动力。如果政府对收并购活动实施限制,进而影响了企业的财务回报,那么科技界的生态就会受到影响,吸引到的创业者和资本就会减少。企业界的很多收并购活动,恰恰是由监管机构想要限制的那些大公司发起的,哪怕这些公司最终没有完成收购,他们通常也参与了竞标,从而为创业者和风投家带来了积极的结果。由于创业的失败率是很高的,创业者和他们的创业团队必须有潜在的巨大利益,才能激励他们承担如此巨大的创业风险。换言之,如果靠限制大公司的收并购活动来鼓励竞争,则反而可能不利于竞争。
因此,我建议采取以下措施,既有益于创造公平的竞争环境,又不会剥夺创业者靠被收购而退出的权利。
开放数据迁移
大型科技公司的权力,很大程度上来自他们积累的大量用户数据,这些数据使他们能够提供更有针对性的服务和结果,最终实现用户“锁定”。联合广场风投(Union Square Ventures)的尼克•格罗斯曼表示,应该赋予用户对自己的社交数据、财务数据和健康数据的控制权,使用户可以自由地将他们的数据迁移到其他服务,这样将有助于促进市场公平,鼓励创业者的创新和竞争。换句话说,就是“打破数据,而不是打破公司。”
鼓励跨平台交互
如今,无数创业公司赖以生存的平台和受众,基本上都掌控在几家大型科技公司手里。比如,iPhone用户只能通过苹果的应用商店下载软件,应用开发者如果想在苹果应用商店卖软件,无一例外地都要向苹果支付高额分成。在控制这些平台的同时,大型科技公司也在监控着这些平台上的数据,他们能够发现哪些产品有吸引力,并且复制它们。因此,我们应该鼓励跨平台交互,并且在必要时建立“长城”,防止大型科技公司利用数据和平台上的优势开展不公平竞争,以此削弱这些大型数据公司的“数据守门人”地位。
降低企业上市难度
美国的《萨班斯-奥克斯利法案》和《多德-弗兰克法案》给企业上市设置了很多阻碍,美国国会可以放松其中一些财务、会计和法律等方面的限制。上市公司数量的增多,也必然会给这些占市场主导地位的公司带来更多的竞争。
这些复杂的问题是没有简单的答案的。监管机构很有可能增设重重壁垒,使创业公司几乎无法参与竞争,从而进一步巩固这些大型科技公司的垄断地位。不得不说,这种风险始终都是存在的。好在监管机构已经表态称,他们有兴趣听取风险和创业公司领导者的意见,不管是通过直接对话,还是通过与全美风险投资协会(National Venture Capital Association)等组织的对话。
美国良好的创新生态并不是天上掉下来的。在上世纪90年代中期,美国吸引了全球风险投资的95%以上,现在这个比例只有一半多一点。如果我们认真思考如何推进经济复苏的问题,那么,我们可能就在无形中为那些没有受到收并购限制的外国企业提供了竞争优势。所谓美国梦,强调的就是任何人通过努力工作和创新,都可以拥有自己的事业,改善自己的生活。在过去的几十年里,通过一代代创业人的努力,我们一次又一次地看到了美国梦的实现。现在,我们比以往任何时候都更需要这些杰出的创业者来帮助我们度过疫情危机,重振经济,创造新的就业。
本文作者Patricia Nakache是Trinity Ventures公司的普通合伙人,斯坦福大学商学院管理学讲师,也是美国风险投资协会的理事会成员。(财富中文网)
译者:Min
上周四美国国会召开的反垄断听证会,标志着美国政府在是否应该监管以及应该如何监管大型科技企业的问题上迈出了重要一步。不过从听证会上提出的问题来看,议员们很可能将注意力放在了一些错误的问题上。
受疫情影响,美国的经济衰退愈演愈烈,失业率持续飙升,然而苹果、谷歌、脸书和亚马逊等大型科技公司的业绩却比以往任何时候都要好。苹果的市值已经超过了1.9万亿美元,而光是2020年以来,亚马逊的股票就增长了63%,市值也达到了惊人的1.6万亿美元。目前,美国四大科技公司的市值总计已达5万亿美元,占标普500企业的近五分之一。而且更重要的是,它们对社会的方方面面都产生了前所未有的影响。
在周四的听证会上,有些议员质疑,四大科技公司是否在利用收并购手段消灭竞争对手,或者是否在用收并购活动巩固其市场力量,以达到对市场的垄断性控制地位。Stratechery网站的本·汤普森称,脸书收购Instagram是“过去十年监管领域的最大失败”。收并购问题成为听证会上的核心议题也是很自然的,因为美国司法部、联邦贸易委员会等监管部门都有通过监管收并购活动来反垄断的经验。
虽然如此,但过度关注收并购问题仍然是一个错误——尤其是美国就业市场正处于“大萧条”以来最疲软的时期,如果制订过于激进的反收并购政策,对市场进行过度修正,由此带来的风险将远远超过Instagram这个孤例的负面影响。
科技界的收并购活动包含了很多种交易。有些收并购活动的规模比较小(比如一些濒临倒闭的公司,收购这些公司主要是为了它的员工,通常是工程师)。虽然能够获得媒体关注的,只有那些交易额达几十亿美元的收购案,但这些小规模的收购活动才是市场的主流。此外还有很多中等规模的收购,它们有时甚至可以给初创公司及其员工创造坚实的甚至出色的业绩。2018年,美国一共有779起由风投支持的收并购交易,其交易额的中位数为1.05亿美元。
可以肯定的说,所有风投资本家和想方设法拉风投的创业者,他们的目标都是IPO。IPO可以给所有人(员工、创始人和投资人)带来最理想的回报,也能创造最多的工作机会。但大多数企业永远也无法达到上市公司的规模,去年几家科技公司的IPO遇冷就是例子。另外,从美国当前的监管环境来看,上市对企业规模的要求也越来越高。这就是为什么在过去几年里,美国每年IPO的公司数量平均只有2000年以前的一半。毫不奇怪,如今美国上市公司的总数大概也只有20年前的一半。
企业上市的难度越大,收并购就越容易成为创业者承担风险的动力,以及风投家给创业者注资的动力。如果政府对收并购活动实施限制,进而影响了企业的财务回报,那么科技界的生态就会受到影响,吸引到的创业者和资本就会减少。企业界的很多收并购活动,恰恰是由监管机构想要限制的那些大公司发起的,哪怕这些公司最终没有完成收购,他们通常也参与了竞标,从而为创业者和风投家带来了积极的结果。由于创业的失败率是很高的,创业者和他们的创业团队必须有潜在的巨大利益,才能激励他们承担如此巨大的创业风险。换言之,如果靠限制大公司的收并购活动来鼓励竞争,则反而可能不利于竞争。
因此,我建议采取以下措施,既有益于创造公平的竞争环境,又不会剥夺创业者靠被收购而退出的权利。
开放数据迁移
大型科技公司的权力,很大程度上来自他们积累的大量用户数据,这些数据使他们能够提供更有针对性的服务和结果,最终实现用户“锁定”。联合广场风投(Union Square Ventures)的尼克•格罗斯曼表示,应该赋予用户对自己的社交数据、财务数据和健康数据的控制权,使用户可以自由地将他们的数据迁移到其他服务,这样将有助于促进市场公平,鼓励创业者的创新和竞争。换句话说,就是“打破数据,而不是打破公司。”
鼓励跨平台交互
如今,无数创业公司赖以生存的平台和受众,基本上都掌控在几家大型科技公司手里。比如,iPhone用户只能通过苹果的应用商店下载软件,应用开发者如果想在苹果应用商店卖软件,无一例外地都要向苹果支付高额分成。在控制这些平台的同时,大型科技公司也在监控着这些平台上的数据,他们能够发现哪些产品有吸引力,并且复制它们。因此,我们应该鼓励跨平台交互,并且在必要时建立“长城”,防止大型科技公司利用数据和平台上的优势开展不公平竞争,以此削弱这些大型数据公司的“数据守门人”地位。
降低企业上市难度
美国的《萨班斯-奥克斯利法案》和《多德-弗兰克法案》给企业上市设置了很多阻碍,美国国会可以放松其中一些财务、会计和法律等方面的限制。上市公司数量的增多,也必然会给这些占市场主导地位的公司带来更多的竞争。
这些复杂的问题是没有简单的答案的。监管机构很有可能增设重重壁垒,使创业公司几乎无法参与竞争,从而进一步巩固这些大型科技公司的垄断地位。不得不说,这种风险始终都是存在的。好在监管机构已经表态称,他们有兴趣听取风险和创业公司领导者的意见,不管是通过直接对话,还是通过与全美风险投资协会(National Venture Capital Association)等组织的对话。
美国良好的创新生态并不是天上掉下来的。在上世纪90年代中期,美国吸引了全球风险投资的95%以上,现在这个比例只有一半多一点。如果我们认真思考如何推进经济复苏的问题,那么,我们可能就在无形中为那些没有受到收并购限制的外国企业提供了竞争优势。所谓美国梦,强调的就是任何人通过努力工作和创新,都可以拥有自己的事业,改善自己的生活。在过去的几十年里,通过一代代创业人的努力,我们一次又一次地看到了美国梦的实现。现在,我们比以往任何时候都更需要这些杰出的创业者来帮助我们度过疫情危机,重振经济,创造新的就业。
本文作者Patricia Nakache是Trinity Ventures公司的普通合伙人,斯坦福大学商学院管理学讲师,也是美国风险投资协会的理事会成员。(财富中文网)
译者:Min
Thursday’s Congressional antitrust hearing marked an important milestone in the government’s ongoing exploration into whether and, specifically, how to regulate Big Tech. But judging from the lines of questioning, lawmakers may be focusing on some of the wrong issues.
As the pandemic-induced downturn rages on, and unemployment rates continue to soar, Apple, Google, Facebook and Amazon are doing better than ever. Apple is now worth more than $1.9 trillion, and Amazon, whose stock price has grown 63% 2020 alone, enjoys an equally staggering $1.6 trillion market cap. Collectively, these four companies are worth $5 trillion, account for nearly a fifth of the S&P 500, and, more importantly, wield unprecedented power over nearly every segment of society.
Some of the questions on Thursday focused, appropriately so, on the topics of mergers and acquisitions aimed at either killing competitors or consolidating their market power to the point of monopolistic control. Stratechery’s Ben Thompson has called Facebook’s acquisition of Instagram “the greatest regulatory failure of the past decade.” M&A is also a natural area for regulator focus since regulatory bodies like the Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission have experience conducting oversight in this manner.
Even so, focusing tech regulation on M&A would be a mistake—especially now as we navigate what may become the weakest job market since the Great Depression. Now more than ever the risks of over-correcting through aggressive anti-M&A policymaking significantly outweigh the risks of missing the rare instance of an Instagram.
Tech M&A encompasses a broad range of transactions ranging from modest acquihires (where companies that were likely going to fail are bought for their employees, usually engineers) to billion-dollar megahits. While the big hits get most of the media attention, it’s the small buys that account for the vast majority of transactions. There are also many mid-size acquisitions which can create solid and even occasionally outstanding outcomes for startup founders and employees. In 2018 there were 779 M&A transactions of venture-backed companies with a median deal value of $105 million.
To be sure, IPOs are almost universally the goal for venture-backed founders and investors. IPOs consistently generate the best payouts for everyone involved (employees, founders and investors) and create the most jobs. But most companies will never be able to reach the scale required to thrive in the public markets, a lesson starkly demonstrated by several tech public offerings that took place last year. Moreover, the scale required for a company to go public has been increasing due to our current regulatory environment. That’s why over the past few years we’ve seen on average half the IPOs per year that we saw in either decade before 2000. As a result, there are roughly half the total number of public companies today that there were twenty years ago.
The more challenging it is for companies to go public, the more important M&A becomes as a motivation for founders to take risks and for venture investors to fund them. If restrictions on M&A reduce financial returns, the tech innovation ecosystem will attract fewer entrepreneurs and less capital. Many acquisitions in the tech sector are executed by the same tech companies that regulators seek to limit, and even when those companies do not ultimately complete these acquisitions, they’re often part of the bidding process that leads to positive outcomes for entrepreneurs and venture investors. Given high failure rates among startups, entrepreneurs and their teams need the lure of potential large outcomes to motivate them to take on such extraordinary risk. In other words, by limiting M&A to promote competition against Big Tech, we could end up with less.
Instead, I recommend the following steps to level the competitive playing field without depriving entrepreneurs of the option to exit via acquisitions:
Mandate data portability
The power of the big technology companies is derived at least in part from the user data they have amassed, allowing them to deliver ever more targeted services and results, and ultimately ensuring consumer “lock in.” Giving users control over their own social, financial and health data and the freedom to move it to other services will help to level the playing field and encourage entrepreneurs to innovate and compete. In the words of Nick Grossman of Union Square Ventures, “Break up the data, not the companies.”
Encourage platform interoperability
Today large technology companies control access to platforms and audiences on which startups are dependent for survival. For example, iPhone users can only download apps through Apple’s App Store, and app developers who sell through the App Store, with few exceptions, are required to pay Apple a hefty toll. Moreover, in their roles controlling these platforms and monitoring the data that flows through them, the big companies are able to identify which products have traction and copy them. The powerful gatekeeper role of the large tech platforms should be moderated by encouraging interoperability and instituting, where appropriate, “Chinese Walls” to prevent them from using their data and platform dominance to unfairly guarantee the success of separate products and services that compete with customers or partners.
Make it easier for companies to go public
Congress can relax some of the financial, accounting and legal controls put in place through the Sarbanes-Oxley and Dodd-Frank Acts that are creating so many hurdles for companies to go public. More public companies would generate more competition for these dominant firms.
These are complex issues without any easy answers. There’s always the risk that regulation can strengthen the incumbents by creating so many costly hurdles that it becomes impossible for startups to compete. Fortunately, regulators have demonstrated that they’re interested in receiving input from VCs and startup leaders, both directly and through dialogue with organizations like the National Venture Capital Association.
Let’s not take America’s incredible innovation ecosystem for granted: The share of worldwide VC dollars deployed in the U.S. has declined from more than 95% in the mid-1990’s to just over half today. If we’re not careful about how we address our economic recovery, we could inadvertently provide a competitive advantage to international companies unhindered by acquisition restrictions. The American dream has always epitomized what is best about our country: the idea that through hard work and innovation anyone here can build a business and improve their lives. For the past few decades, we’ve seen the American dream realized time and again through the amazing efforts of our entrepreneurs. Right now, we need these remarkable entrepreneurs more than ever to help us weather the pandemic storm, reignite our economy and generate new jobs.
Patricia Nakache is a general partner at Trinity Ventures, a lecturer in management at the Stanford Graduate School of Business and a board member of the National Venture Capital Association.