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后特朗普时代,美国还能等到新经济刺激计划吗?

目前,经济刺激计划面临多重障碍。

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随着美国总统大选接近尾声,国会领导人开始讨论下一轮经济援助方案。但谈判的推动力转换迅速。

大选之前,众议院议长南希•佩洛西还在坚持推出2.2万亿美元的刺激计划,而白宫最终同意支出约1.9万亿美元。不过协议一直没有达成,财政上偏保守的参议院共和党人搁置了白宫提议,希望通过成本更低的法案。

参议院多数党领袖麦康奈尔于11月10日对记者说:“我认为在当前形势下,推出数万亿美元的一揽子计划很有必要。因此,我认为计划应该有很强的针对性,跟10月和9月提出的方案比较相似。”他指的可能是与今年秋天参议院民主党两次否决的5000亿美元“瘦身”刺激计划。但如果采取更温和的刺激方案,意味着一些项目可能被完全忽略。事实上,在参议院共和党的计划中,一揽子计划里并不包括新一轮发放1200美元的经济刺激计划,而数月来白宫和众议院民主党一直支持该项目。

两周前,众议院议长南希•佩洛西告诉记者,对规模较小的法案“没什么兴趣”,她重申立场,即民主党不可能同意参议院共和党的“瘦身”法案。

不过麦康奈尔主导的共和党并不是经济刺激计划面临的唯一障碍。

疫苗可能“推迟”一揽子计划

刺激措施可能被推迟还有什么原因?可能是辉瑞(Pfizer)和BioNTech发布新冠疫苗效用令人振奋的报告,目前疫苗在后期试验阶段。对美国来说疫苗是好消息,但对经济刺激谈判可能是坏消息。

联博资产管理(AllianceBernstein)的高级经济学家埃里克•温诺格拉德接受《财富》杂志采访时说:“我担心,有些国会议员本来就对通过大规模刺激法案很谨慎,如此一来可能考虑推迟,或者通过规模较小的法案,毕竟疫苗算是好消息。疫苗进展顺利的话可能通过规模更小的法案,但我认为政策如此选择并不正确。”(他认为1.5万亿美元规模的刺激计划能够更好地促进经济复苏。)

温诺格拉德指出,问题在于承诺“几个月后”推出疫苗,并不能帮助当前失业的1110多万美国人。即便疫苗开发有新进度,也不能改变推出刺激计划的“紧迫性”,否则很难让即将消失的效果持续下去。

加拿大皇家银行资本市场(RBC Capital Markets)的首席美国经济学家汤姆•波切利认为,不一定需要推出数万亿美元的一揽子计划(他认为可以先动用7000亿美元左右的资金作为“过渡”),不过他也认为,“从一定程度上说,疫苗消解了尽快推出刺激计划的紧迫性”。

经济刺激支票“优先级较低”

尽管疫苗进展顺利,一些经济学家指出,即便一揽子计划顺利通过,可能也不会出台刺激计划。

“我认为想说服人们支持(推出更多经济刺激措施)比较困难。尤其当共和党控制参议院时,几乎不可能。”加拿大皇家银行的波切利告诉《财富》杂志,他指的是如果明年1月共和党在佐治亚州参议院获得两个决选席位,两党实力胶着的情况。另一方面,联博的温诺格拉德认为,没有什么情况“不可能出现,谁能够把握准呢?但我认为,与延长失业救济金相比,经济刺激的优先级较低。”

与此同时,不少经济学家对下一项法案的预期当中,经济刺激计划地位也不高。波切利、温诺格拉德和瑞银全球财富管理(UBS Global Wealth Management)的高级经济学家布赖恩•罗斯都认为,对受影响最严重的群体来说,提高失业救济和小企业薪酬保障计划贷款其实更重要。

调整时期达成协议?

尽管多数经济学家普遍认同应该尽快提供更多的援助,但想在2021年前国会人员交替期间通过协议,似乎是一项艰巨的任务。

可以肯定的是,调整时期达成协议并非不可能,最近麦康奈尔等人甚至表示,应该在“年底前”达成协议。但迄今为止佩洛西似乎不愿意在规模和关键问题上让步,麦康奈尔同样不愿意。

正如11月9日共和党参议员罗伊•布朗特所概括的:“双方都说想推出计划。但双方都只想按照自己的意思来。最后如何只能等等看。”

加拿大皇家银行的波切利说:“最终发展方向,还有最终哪方能够得偿所愿,都要看疫情状况。我认为,如果现在开始病例数更明显激增,紧迫性就会上升。”

多位经济学家都认为,比起大选前反复讨论的提案,调整期间达成的协议规模会小一些,如果真的推到明年,通过与否很大程度上取决于国会构成。

如果国会分裂,共和党继续控制参议院(很多人认为可能性很大),温诺格拉德认为“大选期间参议院共和党人都不着急通过刺激法案,民主党刚上台时想必更不会热心。”

但是,如果民主党赢得佐治亚州的两个决选席位,从而控制住参众两院,一些经济学家认为,明年年初可能会达成规模更大的协议,后续还可能出台经济刺激法案。(财富中文网)

译者:冯丰

审校:夏林

随着美国总统大选接近尾声,国会领导人开始讨论下一轮经济援助方案。但谈判的推动力转换迅速。

大选之前,众议院议长南希•佩洛西还在坚持推出2.2万亿美元的刺激计划,而白宫最终同意支出约1.9万亿美元。不过协议一直没有达成,财政上偏保守的参议院共和党人搁置了白宫提议,希望通过成本更低的法案。

参议院多数党领袖麦康奈尔于11月10日对记者说:“我认为在当前形势下,推出数万亿美元的一揽子计划很有必要。因此,我认为计划应该有很强的针对性,跟10月和9月提出的方案比较相似。”他指的可能是与今年秋天参议院民主党两次否决的5000亿美元“瘦身”刺激计划。但如果采取更温和的刺激方案,意味着一些项目可能被完全忽略。事实上,在参议院共和党的计划中,一揽子计划里并不包括新一轮发放1200美元的经济刺激计划,而数月来白宫和众议院民主党一直支持该项目。

两周前,众议院议长南希•佩洛西告诉记者,对规模较小的法案“没什么兴趣”,她重申立场,即民主党不可能同意参议院共和党的“瘦身”法案。

不过麦康奈尔主导的共和党并不是经济刺激计划面临的唯一障碍。

疫苗可能“推迟”一揽子计划

刺激措施可能被推迟还有什么原因?可能是辉瑞(Pfizer)和BioNTech发布新冠疫苗效用令人振奋的报告,目前疫苗在后期试验阶段。对美国来说疫苗是好消息,但对经济刺激谈判可能是坏消息。

联博资产管理(AllianceBernstein)的高级经济学家埃里克•温诺格拉德接受《财富》杂志采访时说:“我担心,有些国会议员本来就对通过大规模刺激法案很谨慎,如此一来可能考虑推迟,或者通过规模较小的法案,毕竟疫苗算是好消息。疫苗进展顺利的话可能通过规模更小的法案,但我认为政策如此选择并不正确。”(他认为1.5万亿美元规模的刺激计划能够更好地促进经济复苏。)

温诺格拉德指出,问题在于承诺“几个月后”推出疫苗,并不能帮助当前失业的1110多万美国人。即便疫苗开发有新进度,也不能改变推出刺激计划的“紧迫性”,否则很难让即将消失的效果持续下去。

加拿大皇家银行资本市场(RBC Capital Markets)的首席美国经济学家汤姆•波切利认为,不一定需要推出数万亿美元的一揽子计划(他认为可以先动用7000亿美元左右的资金作为“过渡”),不过他也认为,“从一定程度上说,疫苗消解了尽快推出刺激计划的紧迫性”。

经济刺激支票“优先级较低”

尽管疫苗进展顺利,一些经济学家指出,即便一揽子计划顺利通过,可能也不会出台刺激计划。

“我认为想说服人们支持(推出更多经济刺激措施)比较困难。尤其当共和党控制参议院时,几乎不可能。”加拿大皇家银行的波切利告诉《财富》杂志,他指的是如果明年1月共和党在佐治亚州参议院获得两个决选席位,两党实力胶着的情况。另一方面,联博的温诺格拉德认为,没有什么情况“不可能出现,谁能够把握准呢?但我认为,与延长失业救济金相比,经济刺激的优先级较低。”

与此同时,不少经济学家对下一项法案的预期当中,经济刺激计划地位也不高。波切利、温诺格拉德和瑞银全球财富管理(UBS Global Wealth Management)的高级经济学家布赖恩•罗斯都认为,对受影响最严重的群体来说,提高失业救济和小企业薪酬保障计划贷款其实更重要。

调整时期达成协议?

尽管多数经济学家普遍认同应该尽快提供更多的援助,但想在2021年前国会人员交替期间通过协议,似乎是一项艰巨的任务。

可以肯定的是,调整时期达成协议并非不可能,最近麦康奈尔等人甚至表示,应该在“年底前”达成协议。但迄今为止佩洛西似乎不愿意在规模和关键问题上让步,麦康奈尔同样不愿意。

正如11月9日共和党参议员罗伊•布朗特所概括的:“双方都说想推出计划。但双方都只想按照自己的意思来。最后如何只能等等看。”

加拿大皇家银行的波切利说:“最终发展方向,还有最终哪方能够得偿所愿,都要看疫情状况。我认为,如果现在开始病例数更明显激增,紧迫性就会上升。”

多位经济学家都认为,比起大选前反复讨论的提案,调整期间达成的协议规模会小一些,如果真的推到明年,通过与否很大程度上取决于国会构成。

如果国会分裂,共和党继续控制参议院(很多人认为可能性很大),温诺格拉德认为“大选期间参议院共和党人都不着急通过刺激法案,民主党刚上台时想必更不会热心。”

但是,如果民主党赢得佐治亚州的两个决选席位,从而控制住参众两院,一些经济学家认为,明年年初可能会达成规模更大的协议,后续还可能出台经济刺激法案。(财富中文网)

译者:冯丰

审校:夏林

With the election in the rearview mirror, leaders on Capitol Hill are back to discussing another economic aid package. But the dynamics of these talks are changing—fast.

Before the election House Speaker Nancy Pelosi was holding firm at her ask for $2.2 trillion, while the White House worked up to its final offer of about $1.9 trillion. But a deal was never reached, and with President Trump having failed in his reelection campaign, fiscally conservative Senate Republicans are sidelining the White House’s offer and looking to pass something with a reduced price tag.

“I don’t think the current situation demands a multitrillion-dollar package,” Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell told reporters on November 10. “So I think it should be highly targeted, very similar to what I put on the floor in both October and September.” That would likely match the size of the $500 billion “skinny” stimulus package that was blocked twice by Senate Democrats this fall. But a more modest stimulus package means some items could get left out altogether. Indeed, Senate Republicans’ plans have excluded another round of $1,200 stimulus checks from the package—an item both the White House and House Democrats have supported for months.

Two weeks ago, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi told reporters a smaller bill “doesn’t appeal” to her, reiterating her stance that the Senate Republicans’ “skinny” bill was a nonstarter for Democrats.

But McConnell taking the reins for Republicans in stimulus negotiationsisn’t the only hurdle facing stimulus checks.

Vaccine hopes could ‘delay’ a package

Another reason more stimulus may be pushed back? An encouraging report from Pfizer and BioNTech on the efficacy of their COVID-19 vaccine, currently in late-stage trials. The vaccine would be great news for the country—but potentially bad news for stimulus talks.

“I worry that for those in Congress who were already squeamish about passing a large stimulus bill, this might encourage them to delay a little bit longer or to pass something smaller because it is good news,” Eric Winograd, senior economist at AllianceBernstein, tells Fortune. “That prospect might encourage a smaller bill, which I don’t think would be the right policy choice.” (He believes $1.5 trillion would better serve the recovery.)

The problem, Winograd notes, is that the promise of a vaccine “a few months from now“ doesn’t help the more than 11.1 million Americans who are currently unemployed. And the latest vaccine developments don’t change the “urgency” for stimulus to renew those expiring benefits.

Tom Porcelli, chief U.S. economist at RBC Capital Markets, doesn’t necessarily think there needs to be a multitrillion-dollar package (he believes something around $700 billion may suffice as a “bridge”), but agrees the vaccine “takes some of the edge off the urgency with getting it done sooner than later.”

Stimulus checks are a ‘lower priority’

Notwithstanding the vaccine, some economists note a stimulus check might not be in the cards at all, even if a package is passed.

“I think [more stimulus checks are] going to be a very hard sell. If you have a Republican Senate, I think that’s almost a nonstarter,” RBC’s Porcelli tells Fortune, referring to the future balance of power if Republicans secure two runoff Senate seats in Georgia come January. AllianceBernstein’s Winograd on the other hand argues that nothing “is off the table, because who really knows? But I would think that is a lower priority item than is extending unemployment benefits.”

Meanwhile, stimulus checks aren’t high up on some economists’ wish lists for the next bill, either: Porcelli, Winograd, and UBS Global Wealth Management senior economist Brian Rose all agree more enhanced unemployment benefits and small-business Paycheck Protection Program loans are more important to aiding the most affected groups.

A lame-duck deal?

While there is broad consensus among most economists that more aid is needed—and soon—getting a deal passed in the lame-duck session before 2021 is looking like a tall order.

To be sure, it’s not impossible a deal could get done in the lame duck, as those like McConnell have even recently said a deal needs to be done “before the end of the year.” But Pelosi thus far doesn’t seem willing to capitulate on the size and key sticking points, and neither does McConnell.

Indeed, Sen. Roy Blunt (R-Mo.) outlined it on November 9: “Both sides are saying they want one. But both sides are saying they want the one they want. So we’ll see.”

According to RBC’s Porcelli: “The direction that it goes, and the person that will ultimately end up getting what they want, is going to be entirely contingent on the virus. I think the urgency will rise if case counts really do start to advance from here in a more dramatic way.”

Many economists agree a deal in the lame duck would be smaller than iterations of the bill discussed leading up to the election, but if a deal does get pushed until next year, its passage is largely dependent on the composition of Congress.

If Congress is split and Republicans maintain control of the Senate (a scenario many find most likely), Winograd finds it “hard to believe that Republicans in the Senate who were not eager to pass a stimulus bill in the midst of an electoral campaign would be willing to do so in the early days of a Democratic administration.”

But if Democrats win the two runoff seats in Georgia and clinch control of both the House and Senate, some economists believe that could mean a bigger deal early next year and possibly follow-up stimulus legislation later in the year.

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