皮尤研究中心(Pew Research)的数据显示,40年前,五分之一的美国工人是工会会员。根据美国劳工统计局(Bureau of Labor Statistics)的数据,到2020年,这一比例已经降至仅略高于十分之一,而在Z世代(1997年或以后出生的人)打工人中,这一比例甚至更低,仅为4.4%。
不过这个数字并不能够说明一切。Z世代可能还没有大批量加入工会,但他们绝大多数都对劳动组织表示支持。盖洛普(Gallup)最近的一项调查发现,对工会的认可已经达到1965年以来的最高点,在18至34岁的人群中,有近五分之四(77%)的人支持工会。这个年龄层同时包括千禧一代和Z世代,但有充分理由相信,年轻人至少和二十大几以及30多岁的受访者一样支持工会。从历史的角度看,支持劳工组织是一项进步事业,皮尤研究中心的研究结果表明,Z世代在社会和经济问题上比其他任何一代人都更加进步。
从具体事例的角度来看,在一些公司高调成立工会的活动中——从数字媒体公司到星巴克(Starbucks)等《财富》美国500强公司,Z世代一直位于第一线。
纽约市立大学劳工与城市研究学院(CUNY School of Labor and Urban Studies)的教授斯黛芬妮·卢斯说,自2008年金融危机以来,美国人对工会的支持度一直在稳步上升。卢斯称,年轻工人在工会复兴中占据了重要地位,她认为原因是工会越来越愿意在医疗保健和移民改革等影响全部人的问题上采取更加大胆的立场。
“一些工会愿意冲到前线,争取更高的最低工资,哪怕这并不能够给他们带来直接好处。”卢斯说,“(年轻员工)对公司的不信任与日俱增,工会也因此成为了他们的解药。”
卢斯表示,Z世代对劳工组织的兴趣可能也受到了成长过程的深远影响,他们因为看到2008年金融危机对父母的影响而深受刺激。她补充说,这些年轻人现在所处的劳动力市场,从某种意义上说,从未真正从危机中恢复过来。
这也是24岁的巴蒂亚·卡茨的感受。她是非营利智库城市研究所(Urban Institute)的研究分析师,过去一年半,她一直致力于该机构的组建。
“如果你成长在资本主义最让人害怕的时代,那你就可能会对工会和工人权力拥有一点浪漫的看法。”卡茨指出,“我想我们这个年纪很多人都有同样的感觉——好像我们没有太多的东西可以失去。前景并不乐观。”
卡茨称,组建工会很难,“而且这种看法还是出自一个相对容易获得认可的人。”即便如此,她还是觉得非常值得,“这可能是我职业生涯中迄今为止最引以为傲的一件事情。”
24岁的索利·阿尔珀特是伯克利市议会(Berkeley City Council)一名议员的立法助理,他也有同样的感受。
阿尔珀特表示:“从很多层面上说,我们这代人成长的世界从来都是支离破碎的。”他所处的组织伯克利市立法助理工会(City of Berkeley Legislative Aides Union)是服务业雇员国际工会(Service Employees International Union)的一部分,后者是美国的第二大工会,有近200万名会员。“‘9·11’前长大的人对生活的记忆并不完美,但那时还没有发生(2008年)经济衰退和恐怖主义。(Z世代)的成长过程中,没有哪段时间国家不处于战争或监视中的。我几乎不记得经济衰退前的情形了。”
阿尔珀特指出,由于受成长过程中政治和经济气候的影响,Z世代对就业、雇员和公司彼此间的忠诚度有独特的看法。“我们这代人中的大多数都不会再长期干同一份工作了,我们正在引领这种风潮。我们的父母辈却可以一份工干满30年,等着拿退休金。”
美国劳工统计局在2020年的一份报告显示,年长员工的任职期限往往要长于年轻员工。例如,55至64岁雇员的任职时间中位数为9.9年,是25至34岁雇员(2.8年)的三倍多。此外,爱迪生研究机构(Edison Research)2018年的一项研究发现,与35至54岁(25%)或55岁以上(11%)的人相比,18至34岁的人打零工的几率也更高(38%)。
卢斯认为,当今年轻人对工会的支持与他们感兴趣的其他运动思潮相互交织,例如“黑人的命也是命”( Black Lives Matter)运动和气候变化立法,以及美国民主社会主义者支持的伯尼·桑德斯等人物。
与千禧一代一样,Z世代更倾向于自由主义。皮尤研究中心在2020年1月的一项调查显示,61%的Z世代选民表示,他们肯定或可能会投票给民主党总统候选人,约四分之一(22%)表示计划投给美国前总统唐纳德·特朗普。该调查还发现,更多的Z世代(70%)受访者认为解决社会问题的责任在于政府,而非企业或个人,认同这种想法的千禧一代和X世代的比例分别为64%和53%。
“越来越多的年轻人在努力寻找摆脱当前困境的政治解决方案。”卢斯说,“对他们当中的许多人来说,争取15美元的最低工资甚至不是钱的问题,而是一种态度,它要表达我们的尊严应当得到尊重。”
阿尔珀特指出,由于工资停滞不前,而生活成本飞涨,打工人们已经被抛下了。“我认为我们这代人在成长过程中从来不认为公司或老板会照顾我们或善待我们;我们对此不抱期望。而即使我们得到善待,也会把它视为奢侈品,而非长期保证。”
在他看来,Z世代之所以更愿意加入工会,因为他们一开始就对体制没有信心,也不相信自己能够长期得到雇主的善待。
罗德岛大学(University of Rhode Island)的劳工史副教授埃里克·卢米斯对此表示赞同。
“年轻人所处的经济环境对他们并不公平。”他说。“他们背负着巨额债务。选择受到限制。22岁的你却背着8万美元的学生贷款,这样很难去追梦。你不得不从事可能并不想做的工作。”
他补充说,打零工和临时工尤其令人绝望。“最低工资低得令人发指。年轻人进入职场后会说:‘我为什么要工作?我不喜欢这个别人承诺给我的新美国。我完全无法掌控自己的生活和经济状况。’”
卢米斯指出,在美国前总统贝拉克·奥巴马执政时期,经济正在从大衰退(Great Recession)中大范围改善,失业率也很低,就像今天一样。但是,有工作本身并不能给你安全感,也不能确保你能向上流动。“如果你要打三份工作,那就不适合你。很多工人罢工也不会有什么损失。”
“人们感到愤怒和沮丧。”阿尔珀特说,“现实让希望破灭,我们不愿意接受。”(财富中文网)
译者:Agatha
皮尤研究中心(Pew Research)的数据显示,40年前,五分之一的美国工人是工会会员。根据美国劳工统计局(Bureau of Labor Statistics)的数据,到2020年,这一比例已经降至仅略高于十分之一,而在Z世代(1997年或以后出生的人)打工人中,这一比例甚至更低,仅为4.4%。
不过这个数字并不能够说明一切。Z世代可能还没有大批量加入工会,但他们绝大多数都对劳动组织表示支持。盖洛普(Gallup)最近的一项调查发现,对工会的认可已经达到1965年以来的最高点,在18至34岁的人群中,有近五分之四(77%)的人支持工会。这个年龄层同时包括千禧一代和Z世代,但有充分理由相信,年轻人至少和二十大几以及30多岁的受访者一样支持工会。从历史的角度看,支持劳工组织是一项进步事业,皮尤研究中心的研究结果表明,Z世代在社会和经济问题上比其他任何一代人都更加进步。
从具体事例的角度来看,在一些公司高调成立工会的活动中——从数字媒体公司到星巴克(Starbucks)等《财富》美国500强公司,Z世代一直位于第一线。
纽约市立大学劳工与城市研究学院(CUNY School of Labor and Urban Studies)的教授斯黛芬妮·卢斯说,自2008年金融危机以来,美国人对工会的支持度一直在稳步上升。卢斯称,年轻工人在工会复兴中占据了重要地位,她认为原因是工会越来越愿意在医疗保健和移民改革等影响全部人的问题上采取更加大胆的立场。
“一些工会愿意冲到前线,争取更高的最低工资,哪怕这并不能够给他们带来直接好处。”卢斯说,“(年轻员工)对公司的不信任与日俱增,工会也因此成为了他们的解药。”
卢斯表示,Z世代对劳工组织的兴趣可能也受到了成长过程的深远影响,他们因为看到2008年金融危机对父母的影响而深受刺激。她补充说,这些年轻人现在所处的劳动力市场,从某种意义上说,从未真正从危机中恢复过来。
这也是24岁的巴蒂亚·卡茨的感受。她是非营利智库城市研究所(Urban Institute)的研究分析师,过去一年半,她一直致力于该机构的组建。
“如果你成长在资本主义最让人害怕的时代,那你就可能会对工会和工人权力拥有一点浪漫的看法。”卡茨指出,“我想我们这个年纪很多人都有同样的感觉——好像我们没有太多的东西可以失去。前景并不乐观。”
卡茨称,组建工会很难,“而且这种看法还是出自一个相对容易获得认可的人。”即便如此,她还是觉得非常值得,“这可能是我职业生涯中迄今为止最引以为傲的一件事情。”
24岁的索利·阿尔珀特是伯克利市议会(Berkeley City Council)一名议员的立法助理,他也有同样的感受。
阿尔珀特表示:“从很多层面上说,我们这代人成长的世界从来都是支离破碎的。”他所处的组织伯克利市立法助理工会(City of Berkeley Legislative Aides Union)是服务业雇员国际工会(Service Employees International Union)的一部分,后者是美国的第二大工会,有近200万名会员。“‘9·11’前长大的人对生活的记忆并不完美,但那时还没有发生(2008年)经济衰退和恐怖主义。(Z世代)的成长过程中,没有哪段时间国家不处于战争或监视中的。我几乎不记得经济衰退前的情形了。”
阿尔珀特指出,由于受成长过程中政治和经济气候的影响,Z世代对就业、雇员和公司彼此间的忠诚度有独特的看法。“我们这代人中的大多数都不会再长期干同一份工作了,我们正在引领这种风潮。我们的父母辈却可以一份工干满30年,等着拿退休金。”
美国劳工统计局在2020年的一份报告显示,年长员工的任职期限往往要长于年轻员工。例如,55至64岁雇员的任职时间中位数为9.9年,是25至34岁雇员(2.8年)的三倍多。此外,爱迪生研究机构(Edison Research)2018年的一项研究发现,与35至54岁(25%)或55岁以上(11%)的人相比,18至34岁的人打零工的几率也更高(38%)。
卢斯认为,当今年轻人对工会的支持与他们感兴趣的其他运动思潮相互交织,例如“黑人的命也是命”( Black Lives Matter)运动和气候变化立法,以及美国民主社会主义者支持的伯尼·桑德斯等人物。
与千禧一代一样,Z世代更倾向于自由主义。皮尤研究中心在2020年1月的一项调查显示,61%的Z世代选民表示,他们肯定或可能会投票给民主党总统候选人,约四分之一(22%)表示计划投给美国前总统唐纳德·特朗普。该调查还发现,更多的Z世代(70%)受访者认为解决社会问题的责任在于政府,而非企业或个人,认同这种想法的千禧一代和X世代的比例分别为64%和53%。
“越来越多的年轻人在努力寻找摆脱当前困境的政治解决方案。”卢斯说,“对他们当中的许多人来说,争取15美元的最低工资甚至不是钱的问题,而是一种态度,它要表达我们的尊严应当得到尊重。”
阿尔珀特指出,由于工资停滞不前,而生活成本飞涨,打工人们已经被抛下了。“我认为我们这代人在成长过程中从来不认为公司或老板会照顾我们或善待我们;我们对此不抱期望。而即使我们得到善待,也会把它视为奢侈品,而非长期保证。”
在他看来,Z世代之所以更愿意加入工会,因为他们一开始就对体制没有信心,也不相信自己能够长期得到雇主的善待。
罗德岛大学(University of Rhode Island)的劳工史副教授埃里克·卢米斯对此表示赞同。
“年轻人所处的经济环境对他们并不公平。”他说。“他们背负着巨额债务。选择受到限制。22岁的你却背着8万美元的学生贷款,这样很难去追梦。你不得不从事可能并不想做的工作。”
他补充说,打零工和临时工尤其令人绝望。“最低工资低得令人发指。年轻人进入职场后会说:‘我为什么要工作?我不喜欢这个别人承诺给我的新美国。我完全无法掌控自己的生活和经济状况。’”
卢米斯指出,在美国前总统贝拉克·奥巴马执政时期,经济正在从大衰退(Great Recession)中大范围改善,失业率也很低,就像今天一样。但是,有工作本身并不能给你安全感,也不能确保你能向上流动。“如果你要打三份工作,那就不适合你。很多工人罢工也不会有什么损失。”
“人们感到愤怒和沮丧。”阿尔珀特说,“现实让希望破灭,我们不愿意接受。”(财富中文网)
译者:Agatha
Forty years ago, one in five American workers was a union member, according to Pew Research. By 2020, that figure had dropped to just over one in 10, and among workers in Gen Z—those born in 1997 or later—it’s even smaller, just 4.4%, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
But that stat doesn’t tell the full story. Gen Z may not yet be unionized in significant numbers, but it is overwhelmingly in favor of organized labor. A recent Gallup poll found that approval of labor unions is at its highest point since 1965, with nearly four in five (77%) of adults ages 18 through 34 supporting them. That’s a cohort that includes millennials as well as Gen Z, but there’s good reason to believe that younger adults are at least as pro-union as their late-twentysomething and thirtysomething counterparts. Supporting organized labor is a historically progressive cause, and, according to Pew Research, Gen Z is more progressive on social and economic issues than any other generation.
On a more anecdotal level, Gen Z workers have been at the forefront of some of the recent high-profile efforts to unionize, from digital media companies to Fortune 500 companies like Starbucks.
In the U.S., pro-union sentiment has steadily ticked upwards since the 2008 crash, says Stephanie Luce, a professor at the CUNY School of Labor and Urban Studies. Younger workers have been a big part of that rebound, says Luce, who points toward unions’ increasing willingness to take bolder stances on issues affecting the whole population, such as health care and immigration reform.
“Some unions were willing to go to the front lines to fight for a higher minimum wage, even if it didn’t benefit them directly,” Luce notes. “And growing distrust of corporations [among younger workers] has left unions as perhaps the antidote.”
Gen Z’s pronounced interest in organizing might also be spurred by the formative generational experience of witnessing the impact of the 2008 crash on their parents, Luce says. Now, those same young people are in a labor market that, in some senses, never really recovered from the crash, she adds.
That’s how it feels for Batia Katz, 24, a research analyst at the Urban Institute, a nonprofit think tank she has spent the past year and a half helping organize.
“If you grew up with the peak horrors of capitalism, and you can kind of have a romantic view of unions and worker power,” Katz notes. “I think a lot of people our age feel the same way—like we have less to lose. The prospects aren’t awesome.”
The unionizing effort was difficult, Katz says, “and that’s from someone who has had a relatively easy road to recognition.” Even so, she found it extremely rewarding. “It’s probably what I’m most proud of so far in my career.”
Soli Alpert, 24, a legislative assistant for a council member on the Berkeley City Council, feels similarly.
“In a lot of senses, our generation grew up in a world that was never not broken,” Alpert says. His organization, the City of Berkeley Legislative Aides Union is part of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), the second-largest union in the country, representing nearly 2 million laborers. “People who grew up pre-9/11 remember a time that wasn’t perfect, but it was well before the [2008] recession and terrorism. [Gen Z] never knew a country not at war, or without a surveillance state. I barely remember a time before the recession.”
By virtue of the political and economic climate in which they were raised, Gen Zers have a unique perception of what it means to be employed and what loyalty employee and company owe to one another, Alpert notes. “Our generation is at the head of this trend where most of us don’t work the same job for a long time anymore. Our parents would work one job for 30 years and have a pension.”
According to a 2020 Bureau of Labor Statistics report, median employee tenure is generally higher among older workers than younger ones. For instance, the median tenure of workers ages 55 to 64 is 9.9 years, more than triple that of workers ages 25 to 34, which is 2.8 years. What’s more, a 2018 study by Edison Research found that people ages 18 to 34 are more likely to work within the gig economy (38%) than those ages 35 to 54 (25%) or 55-plus (11%).
Today, Luce sees pro-union sentiment as intertwined with other kinds of activism young people have taken an interest in, such as the Black Lives Matter movement and climate change legislation, as well as figures like Bernie Sanders, backed by the Democratic Socialists of America.
Much like their millennial predecessors, Gen Z leans liberal. In a January 2020 survey by Pew Research Center, 61% of Gen Z voters said they were definitely or probably going to vote for the Democratic candidate for president that year, while about a quarter (22%) said they planned to vote for Donald Trump. That same survey found more of Gen Z (70%) said the onus is on the government, rather than business or individuals, to solve societal problems, a sentiment shared by just 64% of millennials and 53% of Gen X respondents.
“Young people are increasingly looking for political solutions to this morass that we’re in,” notes Luce. “The fight for a $15 minimum wage, for many of them, was an expression of saying it’s not even the money; it’s saying we have the dignity to be treated with respect.”
As wages have stagnated and the cost of living has skyrocketed, workers have fallen behind, Alpert says. “I think our generation has never grown up assuming any company or boss would take care of us or treat us well; we don’t expect that. And even when we are treated well, we take it as a luxury, not a guarantee.”
In Alpert’s view, Gen Z is more open to unionizing because they don’t have confidence in systems to begin with, and don’t believe they’ll be treated well by employers in the long run.
Erik Loomis, an associate professor of labor history at the University of Rhode Island, agrees.
“Younger people are facing an economy that’s not fair to them,” he says. “They’re burdened with tremendous debt. Their choices are constrained. It’s hard to live your dream when you have $80,000 of student loans at age 22. You’re forced into jobs you maybe don’t want to take.”
Contingent labor and work in the gig economy are especially bleak, he added. “The minimum wage is obscenely low. Young people are entering the workforce and saying, ‘Why would I want to be a part of this? I don't like this new America that has been promised to me. I don’t have any economic control over my life.’”
In the Barack Obama years, when the economy was mostly improving after the Great Recession, unemployment was low, as it is today, Loomis notes. But simply being employed is not a guarantee of security or upward mobility. “If you have three jobs, that’s not working for you. A lot of workers have nothing to lose by going on strike.”
“Folks are angry and frustrated,” Alpert says. “We’re both disillusioned with reality and unwilling to accept it as how it is.”