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奥巴马政府首席经济学家提出解决银行业问题的三点计划

Tristan Bove
2023-03-15

哈佛大学的经济学家、曾任贝拉克·奥巴马总统经济顾问的贾森·弗曼依旧认为,“对于目前发生的事情,没有人应该感觉良好”。

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哈佛大学的经济学家、奥巴马政府时期的总统经济顾问贾森·弗曼。图片来源:PETER FOLEY—BLOOMBERG/GETTY IMAGES

过去一年,美国突然结束零利率时代,这样的经济环境可能意味着高风险的银行业出现崩溃的可能性极高,并且几乎超出所有人的预期,甚至出乎监管部门的预料。众所周知,20世纪30年代,可怕的银行挤兑导致美国经济陷入大萧条(Great Depression)。从此以后,美国联邦存款保险公司(Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation)便开始提供一定限额的存款担保,但在3月12日晚上,该公司放弃了这个限额。美联储(Federal Reserve)、美国财政部和美国联邦存款保险公司联合宣布触发“系统性风险例外条款”,并且它们坚称这并非政府救助。硅谷银行(Silicon Valley Bank)的资产规模约为2,200亿美元。虽然在3月10日,其接近95%的储户没有美国联邦存款保险公司的保险,但所有储户都能够收回全部存款。显然,美国银行业需要进行改革。哈佛大学(Harvard University)的经济学家、曾任贝拉克·奥巴马总统经济顾问的贾森·弗曼提出了三点计划。他依旧认为“对于目前发生的事情,没有人应该感觉良好。”

硅谷银行在经历史上规模最大的挤兑后倒闭,成为美国历史上规模第二大的银行倒闭案。虽然该银行直到最后一刻还坚称其拥有偿付能力,但面对激增的储户取款,它并没有做好准备。硅谷银行将许多资产重新投资于高风险的长期债券,随着美联储加息,这些债券出现贬值,这意味着当科技行业担心最受其欢迎的银行的偿付能力时,该银行却没有足够多的现金进行偿付。

围绕此次危机的责任方和原因以及政府是否应该兜底所引起的辩论日益激烈,而有一些事实却变得非常明显:类似硅谷银行这种小型区域银行,与华尔街的庞然大物之间的区别,或许并不像人们所想象的那么大,而且事实证明,银行业监管敌不过难以对付的科技公司高管。

哈佛大学的经济学家贾森·弗曼曾经在奥巴马政府执政期间,在两个总统经济咨询委员会担任高级职位。他在3月12日发推文称:“为了避免整体经济混乱,监管部门或许应该采取以往所采取的措施。”

弗曼提到了监管部门在3月12日做出的决定,即介入危机和没收硅谷银行以及以经营加密货币为主的Signature Bank的资产,但他表示,它们这样做的必要性,可以归因于一系列可能是“错误的”决策和裁决,它们导致银行业陷入恶性循环。弗曼提出了三点计划,总结了后续避免危机再次发生的措施,重点是扩大监管部门的权限,约束所有银行,包括几年前还宣称对金融体系无害的小型区域银行。

加快监管部门的行动速度

银行业上一次不得不进行大规模尽管改革,是在2008年金融危机之后,当时发生了与上周导致硅谷银行倒闭的情况类似的银行挤兑,许多机构遭遇重创。奥巴马政府在2010年通过了《多德-弗兰克法案》(Dodd-Frank Act),增加了对金融机构的责任和透明度要求,这些监管调整措施将提高银行对取款突然大幅增多的准备情况,并约束银行过度承担风险的行为。

该法案旨在通过定期压力测试,使所有银行做好应对危机的准备,并详细规定了一旦银行破产有序停止经营的计划。但2018年,包括硅谷银行的首席执行官格雷格·贝克尔在内的银行业高管通过极力游说,成功地减少了该法案对小型区域银行的要求,随着时间推移,该项法案的效果大打折扣。

贝克尔2015年在美国参议院银行业委员会(Senate Banking Committee)的听证会上表示:“硅谷银行等中等规模的银行并不代表系统性风险。因为硅谷银行的商业模式和风险状况并不会导致系统性风险,因此执行《多德-弗兰克法案》中针对大型银行控股公司设计的诸多要求,将给我们带来过于沉重的负担,而在监管方面的好处却微乎其微。”值得注意的是,美联储、美国联邦存款保险公司和美国财政部在上周末介入危机时,引用了“系统性风险例外条款”,作为执行正常运作流程的理由。

弗曼提出了了解硅谷银行倒闭的原因以及如何避免未来发生类似危机的三点计划。第一,调查部门需要“调查清楚监管出现了哪些问题”,以及这种严重的系统性风险如何在一夜之间发生。其次,弗曼写道,美国需要加强现有监管,除了华尔街巨头,还应该将小型银行纳入监管。他说:“我一直认为中小型银行太容易逃脱监管。”

对各种规模的银行加强监管的要求,在3月13日引起了民主党参议员伊丽莎白·沃伦的共鸣。她在《纽约时报》(New York Times)的专栏文章里写道,如果美国国会和美国前总统唐纳德·特朗普没有推翻《多德-弗兰克法案》,“硅谷银行和Signature银行就需要遵守更严格的流动性和资本要求,以承受金融冲击”,并且这些银行能够为上周发生的挤兑做好更充分的准备。

2016年,在小银行游说政府放宽监管时,弗曼坚持认为,奥巴马时代的改革措施并不像银行所认为的那样,是巨大的障碍。

他当时告诉《华尔街日报》(Wall Street Journal):“根本没有证据证明《多德-弗兰克法案》对银行业产生了负面影响。”他提到自从该项法案颁布以来,小银行的增长就是最好的证据。“从各方面来看,这个行业在过去六年都非常成功,因此很难说《多德-弗兰克法案》导致了问题。”

弗曼的第三点计划重点不在于监管,而是银行自己如何预防挤兑。他写道:“增加存款保险,并要求所有银行提前支付保费。”(市场似乎认为该行业正在发生这种变化,因为许多区域贷款机构,尤其是位于美国西海岸的贷款机构,3月13日开盘后股价经历的暴跌创历史纪录。换言之,投资者认为未来区域借贷业务的盈利能力将会下降。)

如果有更大规模的存款保险基金保护客户的资金安全,或许就可以减少硅谷银行受到的冲击。监管部门在3月10日确认,到3月13日,储户能够提取在联邦存款保险公司25万美元可保险限额以内的存款,但2022年的监管备案文件显示,硅谷银行的1,750亿美元存款中,有89%没有保险,因为该银行的客户以数量相对较少但资产负债表规模较大的科技公司组成。监管部门在3月12日承诺,包括无保险储户在内的所有储户都将收回存款,但需要政府采取非常措施。

扩大存款保险基金,将为消费者提供硅谷银行曾经反对的另外一层保护。据The Lever于3月12日引用联邦记录报道称,2022年,美国联邦存款保险公司曾经提议增加银行在存款保险基金中的出资额,但遭到包括硅谷银行在内的多家银行反对。报道称,这些银行坚称其倒闭的风险较低,增加存款保险基金出资会影响银行的利润。

最近的一系列事件令人感觉弗曼和奥巴马时期更严格的银行业监管完全是正确的,这可以理解,但弗曼在推文中坚称,硅谷银行倒闭引发的危机依旧造成了严重的经济后果。

他写道:“这并不是制度发挥作用的结果。制度已经失灵,这只是勉强维持的权宜之计。我们需要更好的制度。”(财富中文网)

译者:刘进龙

审校:汪皓

过去一年,美国突然结束零利率时代,这样的经济环境可能意味着高风险的银行业出现崩溃的可能性极高,并且几乎超出所有人的预期,甚至出乎监管部门的预料。众所周知,20世纪30年代,可怕的银行挤兑导致美国经济陷入大萧条(Great Depression)。从此以后,美国联邦存款保险公司(Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation)便开始提供一定限额的存款担保,但在3月12日晚上,该公司放弃了这个限额。美联储(Federal Reserve)、美国财政部和美国联邦存款保险公司联合宣布触发“系统性风险例外条款”,并且它们坚称这并非政府救助。硅谷银行(Silicon Valley Bank)的资产规模约为2,200亿美元。虽然在3月10日,其接近95%的储户没有美国联邦存款保险公司的保险,但所有储户都能够收回全部存款。显然,美国银行业需要进行改革。哈佛大学(Harvard University)的经济学家、曾任贝拉克·奥巴马总统经济顾问的贾森·弗曼提出了三点计划。他依旧认为“对于目前发生的事情,没有人应该感觉良好。”

硅谷银行在经历史上规模最大的挤兑后倒闭,成为美国历史上规模第二大的银行倒闭案。虽然该银行直到最后一刻还坚称其拥有偿付能力,但面对激增的储户取款,它并没有做好准备。硅谷银行将许多资产重新投资于高风险的长期债券,随着美联储加息,这些债券出现贬值,这意味着当科技行业担心最受其欢迎的银行的偿付能力时,该银行却没有足够多的现金进行偿付。

围绕此次危机的责任方和原因以及政府是否应该兜底所引起的辩论日益激烈,而有一些事实却变得非常明显:类似硅谷银行这种小型区域银行,与华尔街的庞然大物之间的区别,或许并不像人们所想象的那么大,而且事实证明,银行业监管敌不过难以对付的科技公司高管。

哈佛大学的经济学家贾森·弗曼曾经在奥巴马政府执政期间,在两个总统经济咨询委员会担任高级职位。他在3月12日发推文称:“为了避免整体经济混乱,监管部门或许应该采取以往所采取的措施。”

弗曼提到了监管部门在3月12日做出的决定,即介入危机和没收硅谷银行以及以经营加密货币为主的Signature Bank的资产,但他表示,它们这样做的必要性,可以归因于一系列可能是“错误的”决策和裁决,它们导致银行业陷入恶性循环。弗曼提出了三点计划,总结了后续避免危机再次发生的措施,重点是扩大监管部门的权限,约束所有银行,包括几年前还宣称对金融体系无害的小型区域银行。

加快监管部门的行动速度

银行业上一次不得不进行大规模尽管改革,是在2008年金融危机之后,当时发生了与上周导致硅谷银行倒闭的情况类似的银行挤兑,许多机构遭遇重创。奥巴马政府在2010年通过了《多德-弗兰克法案》(Dodd-Frank Act),增加了对金融机构的责任和透明度要求,这些监管调整措施将提高银行对取款突然大幅增多的准备情况,并约束银行过度承担风险的行为。

该法案旨在通过定期压力测试,使所有银行做好应对危机的准备,并详细规定了一旦银行破产有序停止经营的计划。但2018年,包括硅谷银行的首席执行官格雷格·贝克尔在内的银行业高管通过极力游说,成功地减少了该法案对小型区域银行的要求,随着时间推移,该项法案的效果大打折扣。

贝克尔2015年在美国参议院银行业委员会(Senate Banking Committee)的听证会上表示:“硅谷银行等中等规模的银行并不代表系统性风险。因为硅谷银行的商业模式和风险状况并不会导致系统性风险,因此执行《多德-弗兰克法案》中针对大型银行控股公司设计的诸多要求,将给我们带来过于沉重的负担,而在监管方面的好处却微乎其微。”值得注意的是,美联储、美国联邦存款保险公司和美国财政部在上周末介入危机时,引用了“系统性风险例外条款”,作为执行正常运作流程的理由。

弗曼提出了了解硅谷银行倒闭的原因以及如何避免未来发生类似危机的三点计划。第一,调查部门需要“调查清楚监管出现了哪些问题”,以及这种严重的系统性风险如何在一夜之间发生。其次,弗曼写道,美国需要加强现有监管,除了华尔街巨头,还应该将小型银行纳入监管。他说:“我一直认为中小型银行太容易逃脱监管。”

对各种规模的银行加强监管的要求,在3月13日引起了民主党参议员伊丽莎白·沃伦的共鸣。她在《纽约时报》(New York Times)的专栏文章里写道,如果美国国会和美国前总统唐纳德·特朗普没有推翻《多德-弗兰克法案》,“硅谷银行和Signature银行就需要遵守更严格的流动性和资本要求,以承受金融冲击”,并且这些银行能够为上周发生的挤兑做好更充分的准备。

2016年,在小银行游说政府放宽监管时,弗曼坚持认为,奥巴马时代的改革措施并不像银行所认为的那样,是巨大的障碍。

他当时告诉《华尔街日报》(Wall Street Journal):“根本没有证据证明《多德-弗兰克法案》对银行业产生了负面影响。”他提到自从该项法案颁布以来,小银行的增长就是最好的证据。“从各方面来看,这个行业在过去六年都非常成功,因此很难说《多德-弗兰克法案》导致了问题。”

弗曼的第三点计划重点不在于监管,而是银行自己如何预防挤兑。他写道:“增加存款保险,并要求所有银行提前支付保费。”(市场似乎认为该行业正在发生这种变化,因为许多区域贷款机构,尤其是位于美国西海岸的贷款机构,3月13日开盘后股价经历的暴跌创历史纪录。换言之,投资者认为未来区域借贷业务的盈利能力将会下降。)

如果有更大规模的存款保险基金保护客户的资金安全,或许就可以减少硅谷银行受到的冲击。监管部门在3月10日确认,到3月13日,储户能够提取在联邦存款保险公司25万美元可保险限额以内的存款,但2022年的监管备案文件显示,硅谷银行的1,750亿美元存款中,有89%没有保险,因为该银行的客户以数量相对较少但资产负债表规模较大的科技公司组成。监管部门在3月12日承诺,包括无保险储户在内的所有储户都将收回存款,但需要政府采取非常措施。

扩大存款保险基金,将为消费者提供硅谷银行曾经反对的另外一层保护。据The Lever于3月12日引用联邦记录报道称,2022年,美国联邦存款保险公司曾经提议增加银行在存款保险基金中的出资额,但遭到包括硅谷银行在内的多家银行反对。报道称,这些银行坚称其倒闭的风险较低,增加存款保险基金出资会影响银行的利润。

最近的一系列事件令人感觉弗曼和奥巴马时期更严格的银行业监管完全是正确的,这可以理解,但弗曼在推文中坚称,硅谷银行倒闭引发的危机依旧造成了严重的经济后果。

他写道:“这并不是制度发挥作用的结果。制度已经失灵,这只是勉强维持的权宜之计。我们需要更好的制度。”(财富中文网)

译者:刘进龙

审校:汪皓

The economic environment’s abrupt departure from zero-interest rates in the past year might mean that a collapse in the risk-filled banking sector was always likely, but almost nobody was expecting this, not even the regulators. Since the famously terrifying bank runs that ushered in the Great Depression of the 1930s, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation has guaranteed deposits up to a certain threshold, but that got thrown out the window on March 12 night when the Federal Reserve, Treasury, and FDIC jointly announced a “systemic risk exception” that they also insisted wasn’t a bailout. Now all the depositors on Silicon Valley Bank’s roughly $220 billion balance sheet will be made whole, even though around 95% of them weren’t insured by the FDIC on March 10. Clearly something has to change, and Jason Furman, the Harvard economist who once advised President Barack Obama, has a three-point plan. Still, he insists “no one should feel good about what happened here.”

SVB became the second-largest bank failure in U.S. history after the largest-ever bank run, and while it insisted it was solvent right up to the very end, it just wasn’t prepared for the surge in withdrawals. The bank had reinvested many of its assets into risky long-term bonds that lost value as the Fed hiked interest rates, meaning that as the tech sector freaked out about the solvency of its favorite bank, it didn’t have the cash on hand to pay them.

But with debates still raging over who and what was responsible for the crisis and if the government should step in to fix it, some things are becoming clear: Small and regional banks like SVB may not be as different from Wall Street behemoths as they’d like us to think, and banking regulation was revealed to be no match for a skittish group of tech executives.

“Regulators probably needed to do what they did to prevent potentially chaotic damage across the economy,” Jason Furman, a Harvard economist who held senior positions in two economic councils advising the president during the Obama administration, wrote in a tweet on March 12.

Furman was referring to regulators’ decisions to step in and seize the assets of SVB and crypto-focused Signature Bank on March 12, but added that the need for them to do so came down to a series of decisions and rulings that were likely “wrong” and allowed the banking spiral to occur. He outlined a three-point plan of next steps to stop it from happening again, largely focused on expanding regulators’ reach to keep all banks—even the small and regional ones who only years ago declared themselves innocuous to the financial system—in check.

Getting regulators up to speed

The last time banks had to deal with big regulatory oversight changes was after the 2008 financial crisis, when many institutions were hit by bank runs similar to the one that decimated SVB last week. The Obama administration pushed through the Dodd-Frank Act in 2010, which significantly increased accountability and transparency requirements for financial institutions, regulatory adjustments that would increase banks’ preparedness for sudden surges in withdrawals and discourage excessive risk-taking.

Dodd-Frank was supposed to keep all banks prepared for a crisis through regular stress tests and detailed plans for winding down operations in an orderly way in the event of bankruptcy. But the law has weakened over time, after intense lobbying from bank executives including SVB CEO Greg Becker successfully reduced the act’s requirements for small and regional banks in 2018.

“SVB, like our midsized bank peers, does not present systemic risks,” Becker said in a 2015 testimony to the Senate Banking Committee. “Because SVB’s business model and risk profile does not pose systemic risk, imposing the numerous Dodd-Frank Act requirements that were designed for the largest bank holding companies would place an outsized burden on us, with minimal corresponding regulatory benefit.” Notably, when the Fed, FDIC, and Treasury intervened last weekend, they cited a “systemic risk exception” to their normal operating process.

Furman outlined his three-point idea to understand what caused SVB’s failure and how to prevent future ones. The first step investigators need to take is to “find out what went wrong with regulation,” and how such a large systemic risk could have developed overnight. Secondly, existing regulation needs to be strengthened, Furman wrote, and expanded to cover smaller banks in addition to Wall Street giants. “I always thought small and midsized banks got off too easy,” he said.

The demand to strengthen regulatory foundations for banks of all sizes was echoed on March 13 by Democratic Sen. Elizabeth Warren, who wrote in a New York Times op-ed that had Congress and former President Donald Trump not rolled back Dodd-Frank, “SVB and Signature would have been subject to stronger liquidity and capital requirements to withstand financial shocks” and may have been better prepared for last week’s flurry of withdrawals.

When smaller banks were lobbying for more lenient oversight in 2016, Furman insisted that the Obama-era changes were not as big a stumbling block as the banks were making them out to be.

“There’s no evidence at all that Dodd-Frank has had a negative impact on this sector,” he told the Wall Street Journal at the time, referring to the growth of small banks since the law was enacted as evidence. “In all those respects, this sector has been really successful in the last six years, and so it’s hard to say Dodd-Frank caused a problem.”

Furman’s third point had less to do with regulation and more with what banks themselves could do to guard against a bank run. “Increase deposit insurance—and make everyone pay for it in advance,” he wrote. (The market seems to agree that this change is coming, as many regional lenders, especially West Coast–based ones, saw record drops in share value when the market opened on March 13. In other words, investors see less profitable regional lending ahead.)

A larger deposit insurance fund to ensure clients’ funds are safe may have softened the blow in SVB’s case. Regulators confirmed on March 10 that all deposits under the FDIC’s $250,000 insurable limit would be available by March 13, but as much as 89% of SVB’s $175 billion in deposits is uninsured, according to 2022 regulatory filings, since the bank’s clientele is largely made up of a relatively small number of tech companies with big balance sheets. Regulators pledged on March 12 that all depositors—even uninsured ones—would have access to their funds, although it required extraordinary government measures.

But raising deposit insurance funds was another potential protection for consumers that SVB lobbied against in the past. The bank was one of several to oppose the FDIC’s proposal last year to increase how much banks pay into their deposit funds, The Lever reported on March 12, citing federal records. SVB and other banks reportedly insisted their risk of failure was low, and paying more into deposit funds would hurt their bottom line.

Furman and stricter Obama-era banking regulations may be forgiven for feeling vindicated over the recent turn of events, although the economist insisted in his tweet that the crisis stemming from SVB’s collapse could still have serious ramifications for the economy.

“This was not the system working. The system failed and it was jury-rigged to keep it going. Need a better system,” he wrote.

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