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人们担心的新兴市场危机并未发生。全球经济摆脱困境了吗?

美国大举加息对全球资本流动产生了影响,将美元推高至接近历史高点。然而,对新兴市场崩溃的悲观预测并未成真。

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与会者出席2023年6月20日在加纳阿克拉举行的非洲进出口银行(African Export-Import Bank)年会。图片来源:ERNEST ANKOMAH—GETTY IMAGES

2022年,在美联储(Federal Reserve)开始以40年来最快的速度加息后,人们普遍担心新兴市场会出现危机。“美国打喷嚏,世界经济就会感冒”这句老话恰如其分地反映了这一担忧。美国大规模经济刺激带来了令人羡慕的经济复苏,但也导致了通胀飙升。如今,全世界都必须承担美国加息带来的重担,新兴市场也因此面临风险。

但担忧的情况并未发生。毋庸置疑的是,美国大举加息对全球资本流动产生了影响,将美元推高至接近历史高点。然而,对新兴市场崩溃的悲观预测并未成真。2022年7月的一则典型标题是:“新兴市场即将迎来历史性的违约浪潮”。这究竟是虚惊一场,还是对即将到来的真正危机的警告?

怎样才会得感冒

对美国加息带来的附带损害的担忧并非毫无根据。在过去几十年中,利率上升往往成为新兴市场危机的驱动因素。20世纪80年代的拉美债务危机(在保罗·沃尔克大举加息之后)、20世纪90年代中期的墨西哥金融危机(Mexican Financial Crisis,在艾伦·格林斯潘收紧政策之后)以及1997年的亚洲金融危机(Asian Financial Crisis,1998年波及拉美和东欧)都有其特殊的驱动因素,但美国利率上升都起到了一定的作用。

当美国利率上升时,经济感染可能会通过一系列连锁效应扩散。当地利率会随着美国利率的上升而上升,使得新兴市场经济体面临不可持续的债务水平。这反过来又会使新兴市场更难吸引资本,甚至导致资本外逃。其结果是美元走强,新兴市场货币走弱,对于固定汇率制度或以美元而非本币借款的国家来说,这是一大特殊问题。最重要的是,美国加息的目的是减缓本国经济增长速度,从而降低出口量和对其他国家的汇款。

新兴市场经济体如今更加强劲

尽管感染渠道几乎没有发生改变,但如今新兴市场增强了抵御风险能力。美国打喷嚏不再自然而然地意味着新兴市场也会感冒。

毋庸置疑的是,新兴市场的孤立挑战继续蔓延到斯里兰卡、巴基斯坦和赞比亚等地。各国面临的挑战都是在美国加息周期之前出现的,尽管美国加息可能加剧了各国已有的问题。但没有证据表明会出现系统性和传染性的经济危机——就像20世纪90年代末亚洲金融危机影响全球经济那样。

为什么如今的新兴市场经济体比20世纪八九十年代更加强劲?简单地说,尽管新兴市场经济体是多元化群体,但平均而言,各经济体如今更强大,浪费更少,而且管理日臻完善。

关键经济体的外汇储备余额增加,增强了其抵御风险能力。许多经济体成功摆脱了以美元计价的债务,而且随着本币债务份额的增加,受汇率波动影响的程度也有所降低。同时,能够迅速消耗外汇储备的汇率刚性已经被汇率政策的灵活性所取代。

更完善的经济管理也会带来回报。近年来,与美国和其他发达国家相比,这些市场审慎的财政政策减少了新冠疫情引发的刺激,从而减少了新债务。许多国家对新冠疫情后的通胀压力做出快速反应,这表明其央行的独立性和可信度均有所提高。

这种潜在的抵御风险能力在市场上也是显而易见的。自2022年年初以来,墨西哥比索和巴西雷亚尔等新兴市场货币对美元走强,而发达市场同类货币(欧元、日元)则走弱。新兴市场和发达市场长期利率之间的利差一直在压缩。

完全免疫并不现实

虽然抵御风险能力很重要,但并不能完全避免感染。预计新兴市场会出现更多孤立的危机。事实上,在大多数年份,新兴市场最不发达的10%的经济体都出现了负增长,这一比例在发达经济体中很少见。但大范围蔓延的门槛更高。

一场具有全球系统性影响的危机需要多种因素共同作用。首要因素是规模。要想产生全球影响,需要具有重大经济影响力的市场出现动荡。据估计,新兴经济体对发达经济体的“溢出效应”仅为发达经济体对新兴经济体“溢出效应”的五分之一。第二大因素是金融联结。实体经济下滑本身并不足以推动危机迅速蔓延,并产生破坏性影响,因此,需要金融系统在危机中起到放大和加速作用。第三大因素是出其不意。如果一场危机随着时间的推移而加剧(通常情况下,政府会试图控制问题),市场和银行通常可以做出调整并减少损失。第四大因素是地缘政治。一场严重的冲突可能导致局势复杂化,并快速造成不可预测的破坏。

战术前景如何?美国利率快速上升的最糟糕时期已经过去,见顶近在眼前。与此同时,美元已经从几十年来的高点回落,缓解了压力。尽管如此,除非美国经济陷入衰退,否则高利率可能会持续下去,而且随着债务到期,以及必须逐步展期,高利率的全面冲击才会逐渐显现。

如何做到在疾病传染时不被感染?

新兴市场危机的风险对美国意味着什么?从历史上看,新兴市场危机的危害往往被高估了。美国躲过了最严重的冲击,这或许不公平(美国利率上升往往是导火索)。美国可能会打喷嚏,但不会感冒。

想想20世纪90年代末的亚洲金融危机吧。这场危机从亚洲蔓延到拉丁美洲和东欧,并通过俄罗斯一路蔓延到美国。美国最大的受害者是长期资本管理公司(Long-Term Capital Management)。1998年9月,该大型对冲基金需要自己的银行家来拯救。系统性风险不容忽视,市场情绪显然是恐惧的。时任美国联邦储备委员会(Federal Reserve Board)主席的艾伦·格林斯潘甚至说:“在世界压力急剧增加的情况下,美国能够保持‘繁荣的绿洲’地位而不受影响是难以置信的。”

然而,尽管疾病蔓延到了美国,但还是得到了控制。美国的季度GDP增长率在1997年第二季度之后没有低于3%,而且总体上更为强劲。只是在新兴市场危机过去后,美国本土互联网泡沫破裂时,其季度GDP增长率才出现下跌。

全球宏观经济总是在各大危机之间徘徊——从未进入经济学教科书里所说的平衡状态。过去,新兴市场危机一直是全球关注的焦点,未来可能还会如此。但如今的情况并非如此,这是有充分理由的。对于那些持相反观点的人,我们要求他们承担相当大的举证责任。(财富中文网)

菲利普·卡尔松-斯莱扎克(Philipp Carlsson-Szlezak)是波士顿咨询公司(BCG)纽约办事处的董事总经理兼合伙人,也是该公司的全球首席经济学家。保罗·斯沃茨(Paul Swartz)是位于纽约的波士顿咨询公司亨德森研究所(BCG Henderson Institute)的董事兼高级经济学家。

Fortune.com上的评论文章仅代表作者个人观点,不代表《财富》杂志的观点和立场。

译者:中慧言-王芳

2022年,在美联储(Federal Reserve)开始以40年来最快的速度加息后,人们普遍担心新兴市场会出现危机。“美国打喷嚏,世界经济就会感冒”这句老话恰如其分地反映了这一担忧。美国大规模经济刺激带来了令人羡慕的经济复苏,但也导致了通胀飙升。如今,全世界都必须承担美国加息带来的重担,新兴市场也因此面临风险。

但担忧的情况并未发生。毋庸置疑的是,美国大举加息对全球资本流动产生了影响,将美元推高至接近历史高点。然而,对新兴市场崩溃的悲观预测并未成真。2022年7月的一则典型标题是:“新兴市场即将迎来历史性的违约浪潮”。这究竟是虚惊一场,还是对即将到来的真正危机的警告?

怎样才会得感冒

对美国加息带来的附带损害的担忧并非毫无根据。在过去几十年中,利率上升往往成为新兴市场危机的驱动因素。20世纪80年代的拉美债务危机(在保罗·沃尔克大举加息之后)、20世纪90年代中期的墨西哥金融危机(Mexican Financial Crisis,在艾伦·格林斯潘收紧政策之后)以及1997年的亚洲金融危机(Asian Financial Crisis,1998年波及拉美和东欧)都有其特殊的驱动因素,但美国利率上升都起到了一定的作用。

当美国利率上升时,经济感染可能会通过一系列连锁效应扩散。当地利率会随着美国利率的上升而上升,使得新兴市场经济体面临不可持续的债务水平。这反过来又会使新兴市场更难吸引资本,甚至导致资本外逃。其结果是美元走强,新兴市场货币走弱,对于固定汇率制度或以美元而非本币借款的国家来说,这是一大特殊问题。最重要的是,美国加息的目的是减缓本国经济增长速度,从而降低出口量和对其他国家的汇款。

新兴市场经济体如今更加强劲

尽管感染渠道几乎没有发生改变,但如今新兴市场增强了抵御风险能力。美国打喷嚏不再自然而然地意味着新兴市场也会感冒。

毋庸置疑的是,新兴市场的孤立挑战继续蔓延到斯里兰卡、巴基斯坦和赞比亚等地。各国面临的挑战都是在美国加息周期之前出现的,尽管美国加息可能加剧了各国已有的问题。但没有证据表明会出现系统性和传染性的经济危机——就像20世纪90年代末亚洲金融危机影响全球经济那样。

为什么如今的新兴市场经济体比20世纪八九十年代更加强劲?简单地说,尽管新兴市场经济体是多元化群体,但平均而言,各经济体如今更强大,浪费更少,而且管理日臻完善。

关键经济体的外汇储备余额增加,增强了其抵御风险能力。许多经济体成功摆脱了以美元计价的债务,而且随着本币债务份额的增加,受汇率波动影响的程度也有所降低。同时,能够迅速消耗外汇储备的汇率刚性已经被汇率政策的灵活性所取代。

更完善的经济管理也会带来回报。近年来,与美国和其他发达国家相比,这些市场审慎的财政政策减少了新冠疫情引发的刺激,从而减少了新债务。许多国家对新冠疫情后的通胀压力做出快速反应,这表明其央行的独立性和可信度均有所提高。

这种潜在的抵御风险能力在市场上也是显而易见的。自2022年年初以来,墨西哥比索和巴西雷亚尔等新兴市场货币对美元走强,而发达市场同类货币(欧元、日元)则走弱。新兴市场和发达市场长期利率之间的利差一直在压缩。

完全免疫并不现实

虽然抵御风险能力很重要,但并不能完全避免感染。预计新兴市场会出现更多孤立的危机。事实上,在大多数年份,新兴市场最不发达的10%的经济体都出现了负增长,这一比例在发达经济体中很少见。但大范围蔓延的门槛更高。

一场具有全球系统性影响的危机需要多种因素共同作用。首要因素是规模。要想产生全球影响,需要具有重大经济影响力的市场出现动荡。据估计,新兴经济体对发达经济体的“溢出效应”仅为发达经济体对新兴经济体“溢出效应”的五分之一。第二大因素是金融联结。实体经济下滑本身并不足以推动危机迅速蔓延,并产生破坏性影响,因此,需要金融系统在危机中起到放大和加速作用。第三大因素是出其不意。如果一场危机随着时间的推移而加剧(通常情况下,政府会试图控制问题),市场和银行通常可以做出调整并减少损失。第四大因素是地缘政治。一场严重的冲突可能导致局势复杂化,并快速造成不可预测的破坏。

战术前景如何?美国利率快速上升的最糟糕时期已经过去,见顶近在眼前。与此同时,美元已经从几十年来的高点回落,缓解了压力。尽管如此,除非美国经济陷入衰退,否则高利率可能会持续下去,而且随着债务到期,以及必须逐步展期,高利率的全面冲击才会逐渐显现。

如何做到在疾病传染时不被感染?

新兴市场危机的风险对美国意味着什么?从历史上看,新兴市场危机的危害往往被高估了。美国躲过了最严重的冲击,这或许不公平(美国利率上升往往是导火索)。美国可能会打喷嚏,但不会感冒。

想想20世纪90年代末的亚洲金融危机吧。这场危机从亚洲蔓延到拉丁美洲和东欧,并通过俄罗斯一路蔓延到美国。美国最大的受害者是长期资本管理公司(Long-Term Capital Management)。1998年9月,该大型对冲基金需要自己的银行家来拯救。系统性风险不容忽视,市场情绪显然是恐惧的。时任美国联邦储备委员会(Federal Reserve Board)主席的艾伦·格林斯潘甚至说:“在世界压力急剧增加的情况下,美国能够保持‘繁荣的绿洲’地位而不受影响是难以置信的。”

然而,尽管疾病蔓延到了美国,但还是得到了控制。美国的季度GDP增长率在1997年第二季度之后没有低于3%,而且总体上更为强劲。只是在新兴市场危机过去后,美国本土互联网泡沫破裂时,其季度GDP增长率才出现下跌。

全球宏观经济总是在各大危机之间徘徊——从未进入经济学教科书里所说的平衡状态。过去,新兴市场危机一直是全球关注的焦点,未来可能还会如此。但如今的情况并非如此,这是有充分理由的。对于那些持相反观点的人,我们要求他们承担相当大的举证责任。(财富中文网)

菲利普·卡尔松-斯莱扎克(Philipp Carlsson-Szlezak)是波士顿咨询公司(BCG)纽约办事处的董事总经理兼合伙人,也是该公司的全球首席经济学家。保罗·斯沃茨(Paul Swartz)是位于纽约的波士顿咨询公司亨德森研究所(BCG Henderson Institute)的董事兼高级经济学家。

Fortune.com上的评论文章仅代表作者个人观点,不代表《财富》杂志的观点和立场。

译者:中慧言-王芳

When the U.S. sneezes the world economy catches a cold. Last year, the old adage aptly captured widespread concern about an emerging markets (EM) crisis after the Fed started to raise rates at the fastest pace in 40 years. Large stimulus had delivered an enviable U.S. recovery but also contributed to surging inflation. Now, the world would have to bear the burden of higher U.S. interest rates, putting emerging markets at risk.

But little of that has transpired. Sure enough, much higher U.S. interest rates have exerted their pull on global capital flows, pushing up the U.S. dollar to near all-time highs. The bleak predictions of an emerging markets meltdown, however, have not played out. “Historic cascade of defaults is coming for emerging markets,” read a typical headline from July 2022. Was it a false alarm or a warning of a real crisis that is yet to come?

How to catch a cold

Concerns about the collateral damage of rising U.S. interest rates are not unfounded. In past decades, rising rates frequently laid the foundation for EM crises. The Latin American debt crisis of the 1980s (after Paul Volcker’s large interest rate increases), the Mexican Financial Crisis in the mid-1990s (after Alan Greenspan’s policy tightening), and the Asian financial crisis in 1997 (which spread to Latin America and Eastern Europe in 1998) each have idiosyncratic drivers, but higher U.S. rates played a role.

When U.S. rates rise, economic infection can spread through a variety of cascading effects. Local interest rates rise in response to higher U.S. rates, making their debt less sustainable. That, in turn, can make it harder for emerging markets to attract capital–or even drive capital flight. The effect is a strengthening of the U.S. dollar and weakening of EM currencies, a particular problem for fixed currency regimes, or those who borrowed in dollars rather than local currency. And top of that, higher U.S. rates are designed to slow the U.S. economy–lowering export volumes and remittances for other nations.

EM economies are more robust today

Though the channels of infection are little changed, emerging markets are more resilient today. A U.S. sneeze no longer automatically means emerging markets catch a cold.

To be sure, isolated challenges in the emerging world continued to percolate in places such as Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and Zambia, among others. Each originates before the U.S. rate hiking cycle, though it likely exacerbated their problems. But there is no evidence of a systemic and contagious economic crisis–the way the Asian Financial Crisis infected economies globally in the late 1990s.

Why are emerging markets economically more robust today than in the 1980s and 1990s? Put simply, though a diverse group, on average, they are stronger, less profligate, and better-run economies today.

Critical economies have grown their reserve balances, boosting their resilience. Many have successfully shifted out of dollar-denominated debt, reducing vulnerability to currency fluctuations as local currency liabilities gained share. And currency rigidity that can quickly drain reserves has given way to flexible exchange rates.

Better economic management also pays off. In recent years, prudent fiscal policy in these markets has delivered smaller pandemic-induced stimulus–and thus less new debt–than in the U.S. and other developed countries. And many were quicker to respond to post-pandemic inflationary pressures–pointing toward independent and credible central banks.

This underlying resilience is also visible in markets. Emerging market currencies, such as the Mexican peso and Brazilian real have strengthened versus the dollar, while their developed market peers (euro, yen) have weakened since the start of 2022. And the spread between long-term emerging and developed market interest rates has stayed compressed.

Full immunity is not realistic

Though resilience matters, there is no full immunity against the risk of infection. More isolated EM crises should be expected. In fact, in most years the bottom decile of EMs log negative growth, a share rarely seen for developed economies. But widespread contagion is a higher bar.

A crisis of global systemic relevance would require a confluence of factors. First, size. A market of significant economic heft would need to falter to drive global impact. It’s estimated that “spillover effects” from emerging to developed economies are just a fifth of those running from developed to emerging economies. Second, financial linkages. To drive rapid and damaging contagion a real economy downturn is not enough on its own–financial systems would need to amplify and accelerate the crisis. Third, surprise. If a crisis builds over time (as can often be the case, as governments try to keep the problem in check) markets and banks are often able to adjust and limit damage. Finally, geopolitics. A serious conflict could drive complexity and hasten unpredictable damage.

What is the tactical outlook? The worst of fast-rising U.S. rates is behind us, and the top in sight. Meanwhile, the dollar has already retreated from its multi-decade highs, easing pressures. That said, elevated rates are likely to remain unless a U.S. recession bites, and the full brunt of higher rates is only experienced gradually as debt matures and must be rolled over incrementally.

Spreading the disease but not catching it?

What does the risk of an EM crisis mean for the U.S.? Historically, the damage of EM crises has often been overestimated. The U.S. evaded the worst impact, perhaps unfairly, as rising U.S. rates were often the trigger. The U.S. may sneeze, but not catch the cold.

Consider the Asian Financial Crisis of the late 1990s. It spread from Asia to Latin America and Eastern Europe and via Russia all the way to the U.S. Its biggest U.S. casualty was LTCM (Long-Term Capital Management) a large hedge fund that needed to be rescued by its own bankers in September of 1998. Systemic risk could not be dismissed, and the mood was decidedly fearful. Alan Greenspan, then chair of the Federal Reserve Board, even said, “It is just not credible that the United States can remain an oasis of prosperity unaffected by a world that is experiencing greatly increased stress.”

Yet, despite the paths of contagion leading back to the U.S., the disease was contained. U.S. quarterly GDP growth did not drop below 3% after the second quarter of 1997 and was generally much stronger. It slumped only when the domestic dot.com bubble imploded after the EM crises had passed.

Global macro is always a journey from crisis to crisis–never settling into the equilibrium of textbook economics. In the past, EM crises dominated global concerns–and likely will again in the future. But there are good reasons why that is not the case today. Demand a high burden of proof from those who claim otherwise.

Philipp Carlsson-Szlezak is a managing director and partner in BCG’s New York office and the firm’s global chief economist. Paul Swartz is a director and senior economist at the BCG Henderson Institute in New York.

The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.

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