给埃及新统治者的9条建议

    始终参与青年运动不仅值得，而且至关重要。

    两年半的时间里，埃及的有志青年第二次出色地组织并领导了遍及全国的民众起义。他们再一次成为了面对无数可能性的变革因子；而无论在规模、范围或时间节点上，他们的成果也再一次出乎大多数“专家”的预料。

    埃及的青年运动再一次彰显了令人钦佩的远见、协调力和纪律。在2011年革命中，青年们把当时的总统穆巴拉克赶下台，如果他们要重复这一做法，接下来几周他们将倾向于功成身退，把统治的钥匙交给埃及的长辈们。毕竟埃及是一个传统的尊老社会。（我在20世纪60年代的埃及长大，常听到一句俗话：“大你一天的人比你多一年的知识积累。”）

    埃及的统治精英一直未能恰当地参与到青年运动中去，更别说从他们的能量和远见中汲取养分。相反，他们倾向于按部就班，墨守陈规。在统治过程中，他们屡次剥夺社会中非常重要的一部分人群的政治参与权利，从而损害了国家的未来和活力。

    这一次，青年运动在治理过程的积极参与尤为关键，而且长辈们要能够并且愿意从根本上接受他们的参与。否则，改革的目标：“面包、尊严和社会公正”仍然无法实现。

    包容、合作、透明的治理。

    在这个被某种无论是国内或国外“法老”统治了好多个世纪的国家，这样的诉求也不会自然发生。而在由军队控制下的过渡期，这一点更是充满了挑战。

    埃及现在和未来的治理者都应认识到，如果大多数人不能迅速团结到一个得到广泛认同的国家愿景下，这个国家仍将继续在困境中挣扎。事实上，如果埃及希望有机会将暴力最小化，迅速完成关键性的革命转折，实现从废除压迫的过去到建立更美好未来的转变，国家政治和社会的快速调和将发挥举足轻重的作用。

    避免越界的诱惑。

    前三届政府以为，它们能通过偏袒某一人群，对其他人则从上向下施加规定来统治国家，这个危险的想法使它们最终被推翻。埃及目前和未来的政府不应仅仅寻求平衡，而且要努力从国家政治和社会复兴的角度接受一系列观点。

    Consistently engaging the youth movements is not just desirable; it is absolutely critical.

    For the second time in two and a half years, it is the committed youth of Egypt who brilliantly organized and led a country-wide popular uprising. Once again, they were the change agents facing enormous odds; and once again they delivered outcomes that far exceeded most "experts'" predictions, whether in scale, scope or timing.

    Egypt's youth movements have again displayed admirable vision, coordination and discipline. If they were to repeat the experience of the 2011 revolution that ousted President Mubarak, their inclination in the next few weeks would be to again step back and turn the governance keys to the country's elders. After all, Egypt is a traditional, age-respecting society. (Growing up there in the 1960s, I frequently heard the popular saying: "the one older than you by a day knows more than you by a year.")

    For their part, Egyptian ruling elites have continually failed to properly engage youth movements, let alone benefit from their energy and vision. Instead, they tend to stick with old and tired formulas and practices. In the process, they have repeatedly disenfranchised a very important segment of society, and thereby undermined future and vibrancy of the country.

    This time around it is critical that the youth movement remain actively involved in the governance process; and that the older generations be able and willing them to materially incorporate them. Otherwise, the objective of the revolution -- "bread, dignity and social justice" -- will continue to prove elusive.

    Govern inclusively, collaboratively and transparently.

    Again, this does not come naturally to a country that for too many centuries was traditionally ruled by some type of "pharaoh," whether domestic or foreign. It is also challenging in a transitional phase that is led by the military.

    Today and tomorrow's rulers need to realize that the country will continue to struggle if the majority of Egyptians do not quickly unite under a well-communicated national vision. Indeed, a rapid process of national political and social reconciliation is essential if the country is to have any chance of minimizing violence and rapidly completing the critical revolutionary pivot: from dismantling a repressive past to building a better future.

    Avoid the temptation of overreach.

    The three prior governments fell victim to the dangerous notion that they can rule by favoring a certain segment of the population while imposing dictates from above on the rest. Egypt's current and future governments need to do a much better job at being balanced, embracing a spectrum of view in a national political and social revival effort.