给埃及新统治者的9条建议
允许草根活动和民间团体兴旺发展。 生机勃勃和一帆风顺的民主是自下而上建立和维持的,而非自上而下。这也形成了一股从下向上传到管理层的关键信息流,而它所包含的另一组相互制衡的因素则有利于支撑有效持久的民主转型。 造访今天的埃及,你会惊讶于自2011年革命以来发起的新草根活动数量之多。无论是教育,还是卫生领域的努力,它们都改善了埃及最贫穷和最脆弱人口的福祉,虽然改善程度还不那么显著。 即使在穆巴拉克下台后,这些个别的成功案例也在继续冲击着这个抵制公民责任下移的体制。如果能够把一场没有必要的逆风转化为助推的顺风,埃及新的统治阶层就能为更切实的进步和参与做好准备。 为国内民间团体创建更好的沟通机制,争取离散犹太人的参与。 不要低估离散犹太人为了帮助实现革命目标而贡献时间和财力的意愿。 别忘了,他们中相当一部分人来自于为了远离压制,寻找机会而从埃及移民出去的家庭。他们非常钦佩勇敢的埃及人,因为正是后者的坚定决心为埃及追求包容性繁荣道路带来了可能;他们也想要出一份力。 快速平稳地应对国家面临的严峻经济挑战。 糟糕的经济形势长期以来是国民挫折感甚至某些地区绝望情绪的主要原因,这一点可以理解。此外,埃及经济改善等不起。 由于本身缺乏投资、增长乏力、通货膨胀、预结算收支赤字、外汇压力和资本外逃带来的恶性循环,埃及每天都在深渊里进一步下滑。忽视这种情况越久,这一代和以后的埃及人付出的代价就越大。 面对令人担忧的高失业率、低购买力、过于宽松且有漏洞的社会保障体系以及严重的贫富差距,任何通情达理的公民都不会要求这些由来已久、根深蒂固的问题能在一夜之间得到解决。但埃及人极度渴望见到一个经过充分沟通的经济愿景,以及各个领域能为大众所理解和监控的年度目标。 到目前为止相当长的一段时间里,埃及无法拿出可信的中期经济架构。近几届政府选择依赖于友好国家提供的特别援助措施和例外资金,而不是设立清晰的目标,同民众交流战略方向,同时拿出可靠的一揽子政策。在这个过程中,它们竟以为国家经济治理的责任能转包给国际货币基金组织(International Monetary Fund)这样的外部组织。这是不现实的。 |
Enable grass-root activities and civil society to flourish. Vibrant and successful democracies are built and sustained from the bottom up, and not from the top down. This also provides a critical flow of information up to the ruling class; and it constitutes an additional set of checks and balances to underpin a successful and durable democratic transition. Visit Egypt today and you will be impressed by the number of new grass root activities that have been initiated since the 2011 revolution. Be it education or health, they play an important role in improving -- albeit still at the margin -- the wellbeing of the poorest and most vulnerable segments of the population. Even after President Mubarak's removal, these individual successes continue to battle a system that struggles with the delegation of civic responsibility. By converting an unnecessary headwind into an enabling tailwind, Egypt's new ruling elites can provide for much greater on-the-ground progress and engagement. Facilitate the involvement of the diaspora by creating better transmission mechanisms to domestic civil society. Do not underestimate the diaspora's willingness to devote time and financial resources to assist the fulfillment of the revolution's objectives. Remember, quite a few of them originate from families that emigrated out of Egypt to overcome repression and find opportunities. They greatly admire the brave Egyptians whose steadfast determination is now offering the country possibility of pursuing the road to inclusive prosperity; and they wish to help. Make rapid and steady progress in addressing the country's deep economic challenges. Awful economic conditions have been important contributors to the sense of national frustration and even despair in some quarters, and understandably so. Moreover, Egypt's economy does not have the luxury of time. Every day, it is being pulled further down by a self-feeding vicious cycle of insufficient investment, anemic growth, inflation, budget and balance of payments deficits, foreign exchange pressures and capital flight. The longer the situation is neglected, the greater the cost for both current and future generations. No reasonable citizen expects overnight solutions to the long-standing and deeply entrenched problems of alarmingly high unemployment, insufficient purchasing power, overly-stretched and porous social safety nets, and excessive income and wealth inequality. But the people are desperate for a well-communicated economic vision, accompanied by yearly targets for variables that are commonly understood and monitored. For quite a while now, Egypt has lacked a credible medium-term economic framework. Rather than establish a clear destination, communicate a strategic direction and deliver a credible policy package, recent governments have opted for ad hoc measures and exceptional funding from friendly countries. In the process, they have led themselves to believe that the responsibility of economic governance can somehow be outsourced to external organizations such as the International Monetary Fund. It cannot. |